The War on Terrorism is the Correct Label
Latest entry on the SWJ Blog by Jim Guirard of the TrueSpeak Institute - The War on Terrorism is the Correct Label.
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Peter Beinert's
"The War of the Words" essay in the Washington Post (Op-ed, April 1) is seriously lacking on several counts. He demonstrates the same blind spots and faulty analysis as the Pelosi-Murtha House Democrats do when they issue a cut-and-run document which, along with other nonsense, condemns use of the "Global War on Terrorism" label...
If you like this op-ed please go here - Real Clear Politics - and give it a vote - thanks...
A senior Intel position that I completely agree with
http://www.theatlantic.com/internati...istake/244667/
I am frequently hard on our intel community. Justifiably so. Sure, they are smart, hard working, and completely dedicated to the task of finding and describing threats. No issues there. They just don't understand the nature of the conflict we are in and refuse to evolve or listen to those who might be able to help them in that regard.
But when I read this today I had to agree completely. Particularly in regards to 9/11 being much more a crime than an act of war (one must take into account the nature of the actor, as well as the nature of the act when making such an assessment); and also in regards to the illogic of going into Iraq. I have never understood that one from the moment the first snowflake of "start thinking about Iraq" drifted down to my work station in the Army AOC from Secretary Rumsfeld's stand up desk.
Click the embedded link in the Atlantic article to get to the tape and transcripts of the full text of this exchange.
A lot is illogical, though, on the surface at least...
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Originally Posted by
Ken White
One can disagree with any or all that but none of it is illogical. Though any or all can be 'wrong' in the view of some.
To identify logic to strategic actions of many players in recent times (America being but one) I imagine that you are making assumptions and deductions. For example, you were told that intervention into Iraq was necessary because of WMDs, whereas my small populous get the line that commitment to Afghanistan is necessary for democracy/int'l security/stability to prevail. It seems that we all assume realism occurs behind the scenes, yet idealism is all that is preached to the masses (of course it's a little more blurred than that, but for the sake of argument I'd suggest that this generalisation is more or less correct).
I don't think that the US is alone, either - Stratfor has done some recent articles on the German actions in the Eurozone crises, and alleges that Berlin is trying to increase her control over the Euro block but cannot/ will not speak in those terms.
Heading back to the opening posts, the term 'war on terror' can only be described as an opiate for the masses, rendering the complexities of geopolitics as part of the mythic good-v-evil struggle that is as easily retweeted as the central plot of any of the Star Wars movies.
Essentially, I wonder if the topic here is less the accuracy of words and more about how we are governed and led, and about how the governing elite in a democracy establishes support for and sells their plans to their constituency.
Terror is real, but it is a tactic, not a threat
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Originally Posted by
boobaloo
Let's not make "War on terror" politically incorrect phrase . Terror is a real threat and it can't be ignored but at the same time we need to adrress issues of disgruntled few.
To declare a war on a tactic, or even a small club of men who wish to do one harm through the application of that tactic, does far more harm than good. It causes one to lose perspective; perspective on the true danger of that "threat." Not everything that threatens us is a threat to us, at least not an existential threat. However, we can in many ways become an existential threat to our own well being through the pursuit of excessive and poorly conceived responses to such problems.
No, "war on terror" is a horrible phrase and concept. It misapplies the term "war" in ways that have led us to excessive approaches and abuses of the sovereignty of others that are in fact "legal" under the term. Legal does not ensure that something is also Just or Right. It also has served to elevate a tactic and those who employ such tactics to a level of importance far in excess to the actual risk they pose to our nation and our populace.
"War on AQ" is not much better.
General reclamae and random comments...
Chris jM:
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"To identify logic to strategic actions of many players in recent times (America being but one) I imagine that you are making assumptions and deductions. For example, you were told that intervention into Iraq was necessary because of WMDs, whereas my small populous get the line that commitment to Afghanistan is necessary for democracy/int'l security/stability to prevail.'
In order, Yes, but more deduction than assumption and that overlaid with some knowledge. For the WMD bit, see Dayuhan's response. Can't speak for other nations but in the US, it appears only some of our pathetic news media took that seriously -- though a good many of the left leaning spouted it as a slam to the Bush administration. We get the same bit of Afghanistan -- don't know about En Zed but here most snicker.:wry:
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"Essentially, I wonder if the topic here is less the accuracy of words and more about how we are governed and led, and about how the governing elite in a democracy establishes support for and sells their plans to their constituency. "
I do not wonder; that's a hard truth engendered by soft politicians who try to be all things to all people and who will avoid reality if at all possible in order to present a vision of good governance. When you sell myths, you start believing them... :rolleyes:
Fuchs:
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"I still kept my fingers off the hottest topics... "
Yes you did -- and we're quite proud of you for doing so. ;)
Bob's World:
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"Being a nation that operates under the rule of law does not mean that we are a slave to the laws that are currently on the books. We could have written new laws to support what we needed to do that would have met much broader approval than our decision to employ existing laws in the context of war. The current laws we operate under are wholly inappropriate and illogical to the problem we apply them against. They guide us into programs of actions that make the problem worse as often as they help."
I couldn't agree more. Don't know what you've done about it but I consistently vote and work against incumbents in an effort to send a message to politicians that their venality needs to be reined in a bit. It should also be noted that not only those laws but our habits and proclivities lead us to to inappropriate responses. So to do our capabilities...
All that can be fixed and you'll not see change of any magnitude until all three issues are addressed.
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"Its like we needed to play a game of soccer, but the only rule books avilable were for Chess and American Football, and we resigned ourselves to having to pick one to follow. We should have just written rules for soccer that fit the game and go play."
Yep, we should have -- but as I have to keep reminding you, the American political milieu is not capable of or inclined to do that for several reasons that cannot be simply wished away.
You can write about what should happen into eternity but until you can address / accept / adapt to that reality, you'll see no differences. You also should pay heed to Dayuhan's response...
JMM:Indeed.
And that is what this thread is really about... :cool:
Resolved: It's Time to End the War on Terror
or Is It ? That's the bottom line to a debate (sponsered by Intelligence Squared and Slate) involving people of higher pay grades than I - 7 Sep 2011, It's Time to End the War on Terror, For the Motion: Peter Bergen, Juliette Kayyem; Against the Motion: Richard Falkenrath, Michael Hayden; Moderator: John Donvan (50-page transcript).
At Lawfare, analysis of the debate is by John Mattiace, "an attorney practicing in New Jersey, who earned his J.D. from Seton Hall Law School in 2010. While in law school, he studied Islamic Law at the American University in Cairo, Egypt and served as an intern to the Staff Judge Advocate of the XVIII Airborne Corps at Fort Bragg in North Carolina":
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The debate was accompanied by direct audience voting, with the side having generated the biggest percentage change in opinion deemed to have “won” the debate. By this metric, the debate was won by Hayden and Falkenrath, with their side having changing the minds of 15 percent of the audience, and the other side having only changed the minds of 3 percent. On the other hand, a plurality at the end of the debate still favored ending the war on terror; the overall vote at the end was 46 percent for ending it, with 43 percent against ending the war and 11 percent undecided.
I find it possible to harmonize both positions for the simple reason that the two sides were talking past each other (ships in the night):
The Hayden-Falkenrath side makes a telling ROE point (not really disputed by Bergen-Kayyem):
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Hayden and Falkenrath framed the debate by defining the notion of “war” largely as the legal state which was created by the passage of the AUMF shortly after September 11. They reasoned that this legal state, undergirded by the AUMF, gives the government the authority to carry out acts of war, such as the killing of bin Laden, legally. As Hayden put it:
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The point we want to make is the legal construct–the legal belief that we are a nation at war; that we are a nation in conflict; and we have a right, because we are in that status, to use the legal tools and the legal authorities that a nation at war is allowed to use. What it is we’re supporting is to keep all available tools on the table–to keep a menu of options from law enforcement, diplomacy, or to arm[ed] conflict in order to keep you safe.
....
Thus, Hayden and Falkenrath’s position is that without this legal state of war, the government can no longer legally carry out such acts like the killing of bin Laden or the various “number twos” of al Qaeda. Hayden specifically used the killing of bin Laden to strengthen his position. He put the killing in stark terms, describing it in the following way:
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Let me give you a slightly different description of [bin Laden’s killing]. A heavily armed agent of the United States government was in a room with an unarmed man who was under indictment in the United States judicial system and was offering no significant resistance to the heavily armed agent of the United States government, and that heavily armed agent of the United States government killed him.
Hayden’s rhetorical purpose is clear with the inclusion of the phrases “under indictment in the United Stated judicial system” and “offering no significant resistance.” Any attorney hearing or reading this description in a vacuum would be instantly troubled by these facts and even a first year law student could “issue spot” the various Fifth and Fourth Amendment violations. Even someone with no legal training at all would be revolted. But that same action taken by the same “heavily armed agent of the United States” does not constitute a violation of the Constitution, nor any criminal statute, precisely because the country is in the legal state of war. ......
These are points I've made over and over again for the last three years.
On the other side of debate, Bergen-Kayyem went little to law and more to a "state of mind":
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Bergen and Kayyem ended up agreeing with Hayden and Falkenrath that the legal tools that allow the Executive to kill people like bin Laden should not be taken away. Kayyem specifically stated that:
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There is authority for the President to use force, including killing Bin Laden, under the Authorization for the Use of Military Force. I support that.
Nevertheless, they argued that the term “war” means more than a simple legal state in the context of the phrase “war on terror.” Bergen described their position as follows:
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[W]e’re just calling for an end of this all-encompassing, global conflict that has cost us so much money. We’re not calling for [the end of] a global police action against terrorists, certainly. We reserve the right for a certain kind of war-like activities, but it’s time to stop this sort of grandiose approach, where we’re at war with any person who’s ever said the word “Jihad” around the world, which is going to cost us a lot of money.
Kayyem argued that the war on terror represented many negative things listing the following:
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the enhanced interrogation, the dark side, the with us or against us, the indiscriminate interviewing [of] particular Arab and Muslim communities, the registration of Arab immigrants, military tribunals that adhere to standards unrecognized in military law, the color code alerts, the breathless press conferences, the rejection of the law of wars, the treating of the Geneva Conventions as quaint, secret wiretapping and violation of established law, the disdain for the judiciary–those were also part of that war.
Bergen also added that:
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The War on Terror was not the war on Al-Qaeda and its allies. It was an open-ended conflict against a tactic that produced a lot of enormous problems for this country, including the Iraq War and all that, the legacy we have from that. . . . We’re not just debating about what happened today. It’s about a mindset which causes countries some serious economic problems–which we are still trying to recover from.
Thus, Bergen and Kayyem’s position is that the “war on terror” does not only represent a legal structure but also carries with it a sort of grandiose global notion of war and includes things like warrantless wiretapping, black sites, rendition, harsh interrogation, the spending of over a trillion dollars and acts like the Iraq war. Overall, they contended that because the country has moved past these things and by extension changed its mindset, it should cease framing its counterterrorism as a war.
While many of the things said by Bergen-Kayyem are true or have elements of truth, various things that are "bad" do not necessarily follow from an AUMF vs a group or groups of Violent Non-State Actors. Just because you have a broad hunting license, doesn't mean you have to kill everything in the woods.
As to mindset, a starting point (and the ultimate defense against terrorism as a tactic) would be the civilian population's refusal to be terrorized. Soldiers accept risks in the field; civilians should also accept risks in this kind of conflict (the risks not being anywhere close to existential with respect to the civilian population as a group).
The problem, of course, with barring the door to any AUMF basis is simply that tools will be lost - e.g., UBL being a member of a declared hostile force.
Those who want to move us from "war" to "peace" - and cherry pick statements from new-found "allies" that seem to agree with that, had best look more carefully at all the consequences of their allies' positions.
Regards
Mike