A Nation's Duty to Contain Bad Guys
The Jan-Feb 2009 issue of Foreign Affairs has an excellent article by Michael Chertoff, The Responsibility to Contain: Protecting Sovereignty Under International Law, which you will find here. This is a policy article, not a technical I Law thesis.
The primary issue which Chertoff addresses is this one:
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SOVEREIGNTY RECIPROCATED
What should the international community do when global threats originate entirely within a state that does not consent to reciprocal international security obligations? This can occur when, for example, a nation fails to enact adequate domestic security measures or is simply unable to control terrorists or other criminals within a particular region. These situations present truly hard cases because they place the international community's security interests in conflict with a nation's right to control its internal matters. But states can no longer refuse to act by hiding behind seventeenth-century concepts of sovereignty in a world of twenty-first-century dangers. International law should not be powerless to prevent deadly nonstate threats from spreading from one state to others. If it is, the sovereignty of all nations will be sacrificed to preserve the sovereignty of one.
Therefore, international law must be updated to reflect the reciprocal nature of sovereignty in the modern era. .....
The challenge is to adapt I Law to deal with "white spaces" (ungoverned areas), which harbor bad guys - and the right to employ Article 51 to root them out. Obviously, the issues raised in this article are relevant to Astan, Pashtunistan and Pakistan - as well as Somalia, etc., etc.
Chertoff does have a background in I Law (with the Latham law firm) - see bios here, here and here. Also he is a Harvard Law grad. :(
I'd be interested in comments from non-lawyers on Chertoff's proposals.
Because A.P., he realizes that the international system
is in a state of flux (as it has been since about 1993 or so) and that changes will occur. He's trying to point out a direction that some of the changes should take. Most make sense. I could quibble a bit but it makes no difference so why bother?
There really is no international law. Webster's preferred definition is:
" (1): a binding custom or practice of a community : a rule of conduct or action prescribed or formally recognized as binding or enforced by a controlling authority."
As described by the first clause there is 'international law' but the "binding" element is suspect at best; nations will be bound as long as it is in their interest to do so. When that ceases, there is no binding...
The second clause is nearer reality. Note that it requires said binding (with all that does or does not imply) or, more importantly, enforcement by a controlling authority. The closest thing internationally to such an authority is the UN yet it really has no enforcement capability (and it should not). Essentially, lacking a world government (which none of us alive today are likely to see. Fortunately and thankfully...), there can be no true international law, only international norms which most nations will adhere to most of the time -- and that's okay, it's adequate for a 90+ % solution.
That almost good solution will still be designed to favor the State and will be less than helpful to the weak...
Which is about as good as you can expect in reality (with no quotes about it :D )
Legal Instrument or semi-legal notice that we'll act if we wish to do so?
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Originally Posted by
AmericanPride
IMO, Chertoff's proposal would simply empower our rivals by giving them a legal instrument that we claim to support.
Empower them to do what?
We claim to support the UN as well but ignore it when it suits us. We've been doing that for over 50 years.
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The Russians did this exact thing with Georgia using the Kosovo precedent we set.
So they said. Sophomoric sophistry designed to appeal to European social democratic values. The Russians and the US (and the French and the British...) have been intervening in violation of one rule or precedent or another for years. that's unlikley to change. China, India and / or Japan and Brazil may join the party but it'll likely be a while.
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The proposal by Chertoff was not necessary for US/NATO action in Afghanistan -- what has changed to make us need to use it now?
Not necessary, just to our future advantage to have it available -- not that we'll necessarily totally heed it. :wry:
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And if it's not necessary (read: there are alternatives to justifying US action), why bother legitimizing the intentions/actions of our near-peer competitors?
Because the power structure likes to have the law on their side realizing full well that they'll ignore it when they wish -- knowing that applies to others as well. As I said above, it's a 90% or thereabouts solution, no more.
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I also wonder what the consequences are at home in forming domestic concensus on policy when we make these kinds of institutions/laws based on moral arguments, only to selectively apply them.
As we have done for over 200 years? Same reaction in the future as in the past, I suspect -- the One Third Rule applies then, now and probably in the future.