Swaziland: the revolution to come
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SWAZILAND: Faceless bombers sow insecurity
MBABANE, 14 June 2010 (IRIN) - No individual or group in Swaziland has admitted responsibility for a spate of recent bombings against government and opposition party targets, but their actions are creating a sense of instability in the aid-dependent southern African state.
"The bombings have not caused any casualties as yet, but they are so frequent now and all over the place that we are asking, 'What is happening in Swaziland?'" an NGO programme officer, who declined to be identified, told IRIN. So far the bombing campaign has not disrupted the activities of aid organizations.
Sub-Saharan Africa's last absolute monarch rules Swaziland, where a growing pro-democracy movement has demanded political reform but received little support from democratic neighbours South Africa and Mozambique.
King Mswati III currently serves on the Troika on Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and has been leading the regional body's efforts to re-establish democratic norms in the Indian Ocean island of Madagascar after the unlawful transfer of power there in 2009.
Swazi police said commercial explosives were detonated on 10 June in the bathroom at the Magistrate's Court in the commercial hub, Manzini, and that in the past month the residences of two members of parliament had been petrol bombed, as well as the homes of three police officers in separate attacks.
Political activist Alex LaNgwenya's home in Bhunya, 80km south of the capital, Mbabane, was bombed on 8 June; the explosives were so powerful that damage was caused to homes in an adjacent workers' compound.
LaNgwenya is a leader of the Swaziland Youth Congress (SWAYOCO) of the People's United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO), pro-democracy group. He and family members all survived the attack, and have denied allegations that the bomb was made by PUDEMO and exploded inadvertently on the premises.
In 2008 two PUDEMO members were killed by an explosion at a bridge about a kilometre from one of Mswati's palaces. Police alleged that the three men involved - Musa Dlamini and a South African, Jack Govender, who were killed, as well as another South African, Amos Mbedzi, who survived the blast - had planned to destroy the bridge.
The Suppression of Terrorism Act of 2008 was enacted soon after the incident, and PUDEMO and SWAYOCO were banned as terrorist organizations. Several members of PUDEMO and SWAYOCO were alleged to have carried out a bombing campaign and detained. Anyone found guilty of belonging to a terrorist organization is liable to a prison sentence not exceeding 10 years.
Bombings have increased in intensity since 1995, when a petrol bomb extensively damaged the Houses of Parliament in Lobamba, 20km east of Mbabane. No person or organisation has ever acknowledged any involvement in a bombing incident.
Death in police custody
Sipho Jele, 34, one of several PUDEMO members on bail after being arrested in 2006 on various bombing charges, was again arrested on May Day 2010 for wearing a PUDEMO T-shirt. He died in police custody.
The South Africa-based Swazi Solidarity Network (SSN) said in a statement on 14 June that the Swazi security forces were using the bombings as a screen to "conduct illegal raids and arbitrary detentions of known political activists".
The SSN said police had detained more than 10 SWAYOCO members, arrested another on charges of bombing the two MPs houses, and had raided the home of PUDEMO president Mario Masuku on 14 June.
The question of who the perpetrators of the bombings are has sharply divided Swazis; some insist it is the work of political opposition groups, while others maintain the incidents are being coordinated by elements within the government to justify greater use of the terrorism act against pro-democracy activists.
"We are confident that, working hand in hand with the entire security apparatus of the nation, we shall have positive results," Prime Minister Barnabas Sibusiso Dlamini told Parliament recently. "We are confident that arrests would soon be made and a clear message sent to everyone that terrorism in all its forms would not be tolerated."
http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=89483
Barely known, merely the last absolute monarchy in Sub saharian africa and one of the most HIV/AID affected country of the world with almost no resources, no military importance...
Who wants to bring down Mswaty III?
The last liberation war of Africa?
Legitimacy comes from the people
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Originally Posted by
M-A Lagrange
Since 2 days state workers are on strike demanding a political opening of the power to multiparty and democracy.
http://www.afrik.com/article12182.html
(The article is in French Sorry)
I think the question behind the threat is at what moment a legitimate power loose its legitimacy. I mean, in the case of Swaziland it is just obvious that no one will even try to support Mswati III. But he is the legitimate power and political parties are forbidden and direct critics of the King are illegal and punishable. So there is no room for political dialog. So the only way to bring political agenda in such case is violence, which makes of you an insurgent.
At some point the scales tip. When the people of no longer recognize the legitimacy of the government the government is no longer legitimate. Official, sure, Legal, usually; but still legitimate? No. This contributes to COIN failures in a big way. The counterinsurgent is apt to (logically) place far too much importance on his officialness and his legalness and the fact that the insurgent is neither. The counterinsurgent is right; but the points are immaterial.
Insurgency is rooted in the perceptions of the populace, and it is those perceptions that must be addressed and nurtured. Everything else is moot.
Self-Determination and Popular Sovereignty > Democracy
Quote:
Originally Posted by
M-A Lagrange
Bob,
As you said, legitimacy lay in the hand of the people. So in COIN, as it is practiced nowadays, the question would be is it possible to build legitimacy? (And I do not have the answer).
The question may seems genuine as if you take the postulate that legitimacy is built through democracy then you run elections and you have a legitimate government.
But to that I see several constraints or contradictions:
- In recent past, we tried to build legitimacy by picking up individuals as our champions, gave them means to be elected but in fact did not make any real populace consultation as the democratic process was tricked at the early stage. So the legitimacy of the elected body is extremely questionable.
- If you have an elected body recognized by 51% of a population but controlling less than 49% of a territory: he is legitimate but unable to administrate.
- If the elites of a selected place do not recognize the democratic process as legitimate. You end up with a governmental body which is not capable to administrate and incapable to deliver services. Then you loose the capacity to enjoy its legitimacy.
A combination of those constraints may even make the problematic of building government legitimacy even more complex...:cool:
Frankly I neither understand, nor approve the trend in recent years (yes, this is new) to push for turning every government into a Democracy. To me it is in direct violation of our Constitutional and Declaration of Independence born principles; and is little removed from those who worked to spread communism in the past.
The best you can do is help to shape the conditions that allow a populace to shape their governance to the form they desire, and to bestow their legitimacy on the same. To attempt to control what that outcome may be, or who may lead it is to likely rob it of the very legitimacy it needs to succeed.
There is no perfect way to do this, but our efforts to control it are not helpful. To encourage and enable is good and noble, to control is selfish and makes our words and actions hypocritical.
