Thinking like an Imperial Power
The point of the title is not that we should adopt empire building but to note that former world powers undestood how to deal with non-state threats more pragmatically. As Dr Steve Metz and I bat around ideas, it occured to me that we of the modern nation state view the global environment through the eyes of state dominance in international politics. The state as we know it probably reached its pinnacle in the twentieth century, likely because of the tremendous resources devoted to both world wars and the cold war. That said, non-state threats were subsumed by the larger conflict and attention...and largely seen as part of the cold war struggle. So, as the cold war environment has faded, non-state threats are assuming their traditional position in the global and regional environment.
For great powers, it is a mistake to treat non-state threats as a state threat, turning a conflict into a minature WWII, ending with occupation and nation-building as the final signal of success. Rather, sometimes punitive expeditions often send the correct signal to non-state actors that provoking the United States has severe penalties without the payoffs (e.g., protracted insurgency and extensive financial investments) in the region.
As any great power recognizes from the Egyptians to Eisenhower, economic strength is the primary concern and anything which disrupts the financial health of the power should be avoided. So, when considering how to deal with traditional non-state threats, the United States would be wise to sue traditional means--punitive strikes, pay-offs of involved actors, creating buffer states or buffer tribal regions, etc. Whenever the United States intervenes with large and multiple headquarters, extensive military bases/camps, and economic incentives, it sends the message to the host state that the United States is invested in its success. Hence, both the host state actors and insurgents conspire whether they recognize it or not in prolonging the conflict. Financial gain is the driving incentive.
Two or three years. I'm incredibly easy...
Good comment.
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Originally Posted by
SteveMetz
I'm not sure exactly what you mean by the two year rule...
Year or so ago, I read a blurb by, IIRC, a northern Virginia HS History teacher whose name I regrettably don't recall who said he told his students that his study convinced him that about 1/3 of all Americans tended to be opposed to a particular war, ideology or party dependent, while another third supported it (again ideology dependent) and the remaining third could be swayed, mostly depending on how well the war was going. He also said that typically, the voters would support the effort for two years and then started losing interest and support would wither.
He acknowledged that seemed facile but posited it as a rough rule of thumb. I gave it some thought, went over our history and decided the guy had a good idea.
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... but what I've been saying in writing and in presentations is that the American public and Congress will tolerate about three years of major involvement in stabilization, counterinsurgency, peace enforcement, or whatever. So rather than kind of ease ourselves in, we need the capability to surge early (both military and political/economic efforts) and count on diminishing our role in three years. That one of my critiques of 3-24: it sort of assumes that we'll stay involved until "success." I think that's politically unrealistic.
Totally agree!
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I believe, for instance, that the current "surge" in Iraq is a good idea three years too late. If we'd done it in the summer of 2003, it might have made a decisive difference.
Agree but would add that had we been better prepared going in (training and doctrine wise) there may have been no need for a surge at all...
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What this means is that the military and the other agencies of the government need a surge capacity. This means not just troops, but stuff and other capabilities as well. To give one example, we need the ability to reconstitute a defeated army and police force starting within a matter of weeks, not after we've had two years to spin up. John Agoglia, who was one of the CENTCOM planners for OIF, says that he found to his dismay that he wouldn't have been able to get contract police trainers in Iraq until months after a contract was signed. That's why we squander the "golden hour." Timing matters greatly in stabilization and counterinsurgency, yet we operate on our own time schedule unlinked to the life cycle of the conflict we're getting involved in.
Again totally agree.
As has been said before, parts of the Armed Serices have been at war off and on over the last 60 years -- the USG and DoD -- and the Army -- have not. I suggest a big part of the problem is applying peacetime rules (everything from the way the Pentapod asylum, to congress, ALL the OGA and the contracting system work) in such situations is a big part of that crank up problem. That really needs to be fixed. We are masters at cobbling together solutions to problems -- most of which we create ourselves...
As to two years or three, I think he's got the low end but agree with you that three years should be the absolute top. Planning for more than that is an invitation to major domestic political problems.
I still say the Police training bit would best be served by dedicated ARNG/USAR MP Bns, located in metro areas converted into the Police training role -- those units already have a host of serving cops a members...