3rd Generation Gangs and the Iraqi Insurgency
Interesting student thesis from NPS: Third Generation Gangs and the Iraqi Insurgency
Quote:
ABSTRACT
The insurgency in Iraq has continued despite the determination of U.S. and Iraqi forces. U.S. counter-insurgent strategy has operated from the premise that the main thrust behind anti-U.S. activities is a combination of Sunnis desiring a return to their former privileged position and tribal collective actors with long-standing grievances fuelled by radical Islam. Yet an analysis incorporating insights from gang theory illuminates the diverse, practical, and local motivations of those involved in insurgent networks. Gang theory is uniquely suited to illuminate the street-level dynamics that drive insurgent violence. Through this, a more precise picture of the relevant networks and their operative motivations can be drawn, allowing finer tuned policies targeted to the differentiated factors behind non-state violence. I first consider the origins of and interactions between the armed groups operating in Iraq for discernable trends in development, paying particular attention to factors consistent with gang models. I then alter the gang model for the context of Iraq, and present an integrated model that articulates the likely effects of state-insurgent interaction on stability and security there. I conclude with recommendations demonstrating the model’s relevance for strategic use in other regions.
Great thesis, comments part 1
This thesis is worth the investment of your time to read. Below are some of my takes on the paper for those of you who don’t have the time or desire to read it.
1. The problem in Iraq must be re-conceptualized:
To date the various insurgent models we have used to make sense of the “insurgent like activity” in Iraq has not served us well. The problems in Iraq are not the same as those the West dealt with in the communist insurgent era, but we still fall back on these models because we’re comfortable with them. There is a human need to understand problems, so we normally default to framing problems with known conceptual models (ranging from simple religious interpretations [God wills it] to flawed economic theories). This leads us to implement a preconceived solution (in this case incomplete COIN doctrine) to the table, and then try hard to shape the problem to fit our solution. The flawed logic of this approach is evident. The author of this thesis has finally presented a new model (while it may not be perfect) that actually gives us a way to model and then address the insurgent like activity we’re dealing with Iraq and elsewhere in the global war on terrorism. Perhaps wishful thinking, but I think it will lead to significant and much needed paradigm shifts in our strategy.
While the broad concepts of unconventional, asymmetrical, irregular warfare etc. have some use in helping us define the nature of warfare, it does little for giving us a framework for understanding cause and effect, and then identifying a strategy to address the conflict unless you want to take the lazy man’s way out and simply pull the COIN manual off the shelf. The author effectively dispels several myths of the war in Iraq. He points out that the insurgency has less to do with the U.S. than originally thought. He points out allegiances between the various actors are constantly shifting based on economic competition more so than ideological reasons, and that these economic incentives are more important than tribal bonds, but in the present Iraq it is the tribe that provides the economic incentives, not the state. Has he points out in his paper, understanding this is key to understanding how to fight this problem set.
2. Industrial and Information Age Insurgencies:
He does a good job of articulating the differences between industrial and information age insurgencies, and it is important to read and understand this section to understand the impact of 3d generation gangs. One take away from the industrial age is that a liberation insurgency does not require a coherent ideology or proposed alternative to motivate a steady flow of recruits as along as the resentment of foreign occupation and interference is widespread. While perhaps not the main issue, we need to make sure it doesn’t become the main issue in this insurgency. There are several Iraqis who hate us because of our actions, not because we stand for freedom. The longer we patrol the streets of Baghdad and other cities the more resentment the Iraqis will generate. Furthermore, unlike Vietnam and other conflicts, this is simply not a nationalist liberation insurgency, but a regional rejection based on culture and religion of the West. He doesn’t deny there are aspects of this in Iraq, but this isn’t the main thrust of the insurgency.
Moving on to insurgency in the information age, the added elements are that the insurgents are diffuse, dispersed, multidimensional, nonlinear, and ambiguous. They act relatively autonomously to achieve a shared intent. On the other hand you have the West, which is a huge network, but a very formal one with a hierarchical structure that is incapable of responding in a timely manner. It’s the old saying that they’re running circles around us in the decision making process.
While we have treaties and the coalition of the willing, they are prone to cultivate functional relationships at the sub-national level, which is their method for mobilizing forces so effectively, and why third generation gangs play a key role. One of these non-state actors is referred to violent transnational enterprises (VTEs). These groups provide access to alternative markets and resources such that insurgent groups require only the passivity of a population in circumstances short of orthodox civil war”. The Iraqi people could deny freedom of movement if they turned hostile towards the insurgents, but the insurgents don’t require their support to exist.