If the debt is transferred to the government balance sheet, these risks come in the form of higher rates of taxation in the long term. If transferred to the central bank balance sheet, they come in the form of higher inflation. All this is justified on the grounds that the alternative is worse, for everyone.
Not everyone agrees with this. In the 1920s, Friedrich von Hayek wrote that the rapid expunging of debt would rid the economic system of what he called “malinvestments”.
Most recently, these malinvestments have been made in finance and real estate. Allowing them to fail, Hayekians believe, will encourage a fresh start. (Robert Skidelsky, Keynes’ biographer, discusses the Hayekian view in an excellent piece in the New Statesman this week.) Those who believe in Schumpeter’s notion of “creative destruction” may be tempted down the same path.
James Grant’s latest “Interest Rate Observer” contains an interesting account of what happened the last time a policy of outright cold turkey was tried in the US, which was in the depression of 1920-21. In the face of a deep slump, credit growth was stopped in its tracks. The Fed, under Benjamin Strong, raised interest rates and the Treasury, under Democrat Carter Glass, ran budget surpluses. “The Treasury has no money to lend. It is not in the banking business, and should not be”, said Secretary Glass. Deflation was treated as inevitable. “No-one could have stopped it…in our opinion, it was bound to come” said Chairman Strong.
The unemployed, deliberately it seems, were left to fend for themselves, even when the jobless rate increased eight-fold to over 12 per cent in 1920. Policy did not change. The public books were balanced, and the Fed even repelled an influx of gold which might have ended the downturn quicker. So did cold turkey work?
James Grant says it did. The recession was over by 1922, and unemployment was back down to 2.4 per cent by 1923. But in the meantime, real GDP fell by over 8 per cent, industrial production was down by 23 per cent, and consumer prices fell by 22 per cent.
That, says Grant, is better than a policy of endless stagnation. But surely we can find a better way.
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