One of my concerns is that many of today’s struggling youth will recognise this fact. That is, when trying to advance their own localised struggles – be they social, political or economic – they will face the temptation of using jihadist allegiances and tactics for maximum reaction and effect. I therefore don’t think that we will see a decline in the declarations of jihad among marginalised youth around the world, or at least not for as long as that provokes an unmatchable reaction by national and international powers. We should certainly not dismiss youths’ attraction to jihad as a danger. But we should carefully consider our responses so as not to fan the flames of jihad’s symbolic power.
To illustrate some of the vulnerabilities of marginalised youth, but also to make the point about the instrumental value of jihad to local struggles, I wish to zoom in on a violent Islamist movement gathering steam in northern Mozambique. It goes by a number of names, but is increasingly known as Al Shabaab, despite having dubious if any links to the Somali organisation. Radical preachers moved into the towns of Cabo Delgado northern Mozambique in 2015, and began establishing their own mosques, and also engaging local people – particularly youth – in complex business arrangements. They gave youth loans to start-up businesses of their choice, but later made clear that those they had lent to will have to perform services, including passing on profits for the group to fund attacks, which have rocked Cabo del Gado province for just over a year now. Those who did not make their agreed payments to the group were later targeted in attacks. Those who joined the sect could well have had ideological sympathies too. Islam in Mozambique is predominantly Sufi, but it appears that there is a radical network that has taken sufficient hold in the area to spread its ideology.
However, what is also worth bearing in mind is the established grievance around inequality, lack of opportunity and natural resources in the region. In May 2018, several hundred young men protested against the lack of jobs available to them with the Andarko Liquefied Natural Gas company that had recently begun operating in the area. Their protest was more or less ignored by the authorities, and the outside world might never really know about it. Yet in June 2018, Anadarko’s foreign staff were evacuated because the staff were afraid of attacks from the group commonly called “Al-Shabaab”, and now the area is a matter of national and international concern. There is thus a troubling question here. What will those men protesting a lack of jobs have learned from this incident about political action? For one thing, they will have learned that violence gets attention. And it is also fair to ask whether a violent movement that did not ally itself with the jihadist cause would have gotten half as much attention as this one has now.
The fact that this particular group has lured recruits with promises of start-up capital is also telling. They have found a way to exploit unemployed young people who are frustrated with their prospects. As anyone who has been unemployed for any length of time knows, there is a tremendous temptation to take the first opportunity that comes along, even if it is appears risky. To clarify, we need to be careful about seeing unemployment as a direct path to terrorism – evidently there are huge numbers of young men around the world who are unemployed and still do not engage in violence. But unemployment is a problem, and it is one that has solutions – solutions which international counter-terrorism efforts can support in a development capacity.
Mozambique’s mysterious insurgency
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