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Thread: Gazing in the Congo (DRC): the dark heart of Africa (2006-2017)

  1. #701
    Council Member M-A Lagrange's Avatar
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    There are some great pictures of the war in DRC: (Be careful some are chocking)
    http://www.vice.com/read/the-m23-adv...43476321108185

    This will recall pictures of the past to all those who've been in DRC in the past.

    and an interresting piece on why Uganda and Rwanda are creating insecurity in DRC
    M23 tragedy manufactured by Rwanda and Uganda
    Both Gen. Museveni and Gen. Kagame have mastered the art of “spin.” Gen. Museveni’s National Resistance Army (NRA) contributed to massacres of civilians in Luwero region during Uganda’s civil war in the 1980s. Later, Gen. Museveni ordered the skulls of victims to be piled into a mountain and claimed ousted president Milton Obote’s army and people from the northern part of Uganda in general were responsible for all the atrocities. Gen. Museveni was received as Uganda’s “savior.”
    Ugandans today know all his tricks.
    The pair will never take their eyes off Congo’s immense mineral and natural resource wealth. What’s more, by maintaining a permanent state of chaos in Congo, Kagame and Museveni are able to divert international attention from political repression from their respective countries.
    http://sfbayview.com/2012/m23-traged...da-and-uganda/

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    Conflict Minerals in Your Mobile—Why Congo's War Matters
    http://www.cnbc.com/id/49961559
    A scrimmage in a Border Station
    A canter down some dark defile
    Two thousand pounds of education
    Drops to a ten-rupee jezail


    http://i.imgur.com/IPT1uLH.jpg

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    An excellent paper on DRC:
    Time for Impatience in Congo

    Instead of agreeing to compete on business terms, elites from powerful ethnic groups have for decades, in collusion with factions of the Congolese and neighboring governments, been organized into mafias. They have built market share and acquired titles, concessions and licenses from corrupt officials, run protection rackets and ensured that most markets remain black.

    No level of international pressure is going to eliminate the core business rivalries between elites from the Tutsi, Nande and Mushi ethnic groups, just to mention three of most prominent. Nor will it eradicate their ties to Congolese, Rwandan or Ugandan military and political factions. There is a deep and long game of influence being played here. Non-regional internationals lack the skills, knowledge, wits and commitment to play at that level.
    But the international community must nonetheless try to get it right this time. Instead of acting as a broker between interests in a game way over its head, it must make itself the champion of the civilian population, demanding that rivalries be demilitarized; that militias be disarmed; that the hapless and corrupt Congolese national army be reduced to a tiny core of vetted units and rebuilt from scratch; and that the political system be rethought to take into account local aspirations.
    This latter point is vital. The present Constitution allows for a measure of decentralized administration but falls short of devolving any real authority. A fully federal system might simply displace the seat of corruption and mafia influence to the provinces, but elected, empowered provincial and local assemblies would be better placed to negotiate and broker local power relations.

    A new political dispensation negotiated with civilian participation would almost surely lead to a measure of federalism and provide a local framework for local issues to be resolved. It has only been in recent decades that armed hysteria has replaced deal-making and compromise.
    Implementation of such a deal will be hard, and will require solid assurances that international donor resources will be there to back it up. To succeed, the international community must say, in effect, we’re willing to back any reasonable solution as long as it includes rapid demilitarization, as well as meaningful involvement by communities, including women. It must include arrangements for equitable and transparent commercial relations within Congo and with its neighbors. It must promise international-justice action against anyone who works against the agreement by committing abuses. And the United Nations forces must be relieved of their misguided focus on supporting the national army and revert to their previous role as objective policeman.
    http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/29/op...ongo.html?_r=0

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    Default Rubber boots to inside Foggy Bottom

    Three articles on DRC and Rwanda, two in FP, one by Jason Stearns, ex-UN expert on the Congo and one refers to another blogsite where Jason Stearns is the author.

    Rwandan Ghosts: Benghazi isn't the biggest blight on Susan Rice's record, by Jason Stearns:http://www.foreignpolicy.com/article...osts?page=full

    In Rebel Country: How did 1,000 skinny militiamen in rubber boots conquer a city of 1 million people in a matter of hours?:http://www.foreignpolicy.com/article...goma?page=full

    This one I liked, the first is historical and aimed at US policy-making.

    The third is really a pointer to Jason Stearns blogsite:
    The Rift Valley Institute's Usalama Project is delighted to announce the launch of the first two reports in a series of publications on armed groups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). You can download both reports from our website.

    The first Usalama report is an account of the origins and trajectory of the new M23 rebellion and its alleged relationship with the Rwandan government. The second report traces the deeper history of conflict in the CNDP's and M23's stronghold, North Kivu province.
    Link:http://congosiasa.blogspot.co.uk/201...a-project.html
    davidbfpo

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    Default conflict mapping: the M23

    Another good piece on M23 and their real motives by IPIS.

    Mapping Conflict Motives: M23
    Download the full report at: http://www.ipisresearch.be/att/20121...otives_M23.pdf

    Antwerp, 30/11/2012 - In light of the recent occupation of Goma by M23 and the renewed risk of large-scale armed conflict in the DRC, IPIS is publishing an update to its 2007-2010 ‘mapping conflict motives’ report series focussing specifically on the intentions of M23.

    The M23 rebels display clear political ambition and a tendency to establish political control over territory, while challenging Kinshasa’s authority – strategic interests they might share with Rwanda.

    When M23 was created, it claimed that it was seeking the correct and complete implementation of an agreement signed between the CNDP and the Congolese Government on 23 March 2009. After the capture of Bunagana and Rutshuru, its demands changed. By November, grievances regarding the alleged lack of implementation of the 23 March 2009 agreement featured less and less prominently in M23’s discourse.
    M23’s strategy on the battlefield does not indicate that protecting the Tutsi population is its most urgent concern. Likewise, its proclaimed intention to “neutralise” the FDLR is not apparent from its military actions. Furthermore, it is striking that M23 currently does not control any important mining areas and has not attacked any mines, and thus, for now, is not seeking to maximise its profits from the mineral trade. However M23’s control over Goma is characterised by targeted looting and the facilitation of illegal exports of mineral stocks.
    Since 2004, IPIS has published various reports on the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The European Network for Central Africa (EURAC) assessed that an accurate understanding of M23’s motives among stakeholders will be crucial for dealing with the current escalation of conflict. IPIS volunteered to provide such analysis. The content of the report does not necessarily reflect the position of EURAC.
    The researchers wish to stress that the situation on the ground is subject to constant change. M23 is a recent movement, created less than a mere seven months prior to this analysis; there are new developments almost every day. Most of the information used exists in the public domain. When insufficient sources were available, additional information was gathered by IPIS researchers working on related topics in South Kivu, and through telephone interviews.

  6. #706
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    Default USA sanction M23

    Senate votes to sanction those helping M23 in Eastern Congo
    Amendment imposing an asset freeze and visa ban on those supporting the M23 added to Defense Authorization bill


    WASHINGTON – The United States Senate unanimously passed an amendment Thursday night imposing sanctions on those providing financial, material, or technological support to the M23 rebel group in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Amendment 3199 to the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) was introduced by Senators Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), Chris Coons (D-Del.), Barbara Boxer (D-Calif.), John Boozman (R-Ark.), Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio), and Jim Inhofe (R-Okla.).

    “M23 has demonstrated an unconscionable disregard for human life and Congo's territorial integrity and seems determined to sink central Africa in another deadly, devastating war that could set the region back a generation,” Senator Coons said. “The actions of M23 rebels, as well as those who aid and abet the M23, are deplorable and must be stopped immediately. These sanctions are designed to stop the illicit and dangerous support the M23 is receiving from those seeking to destabilize the region. I applaud Senator Durbin for taking the lead on this amendment, and am pleased the Senate spoke with one voice in unanimously supporting its passage.” Senator Coons is chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on African Affairs.

    “The civil war in eastern Congo is the most lethal conflict since the Second World War and its barbarism defies description,” Senator Durbin said. “Last week, a well-armed rebel forces occupied the city of Goma and have set their sights on Kinshasa, Congo’s capital. The rebels, known for brutal violence and led by known war criminals, have the potential to destabilize the entire nation. As the violence continues to escalate, it is clear that the rebels are benefitting from strategic and material support from outside forces. This amendment freezes the assets and implements a visa ban for any person providing such troubling support. Our goal is to hasten an end to the violence by starving the rebels of their key lines of support.” Senator Durbin is a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on African Affairs.
    http://www.coons.senate.gov/newsroom...-eastern-congo

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    GOMA, Congo (AP) — Rebels believed to be backed by Rwanda completed their retreat from Congo's eastern provincial capital on Saturday less than two weeks after taking control of the strategic city, a military official said. The retreat, however, may be tentative after a leader for the M23 rebels said they now wanted to negotiate with the government within 48 hours.
    http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/...924c8154811e55
    A scrimmage in a Border Station
    A canter down some dark defile
    Two thousand pounds of education
    Drops to a ten-rupee jezail


    http://i.imgur.com/IPT1uLH.jpg

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    Here is the link to the Group of Experts letter to the UN Security Council incriminating Rwanda in the battle of Goma.
    http://s3.documentcloud.org/document...twitter_africa

    And here is an article on how Susan Rice made sure that Rwanda will not be mentioned in the UN resolution on M23:
    http://turtlebay.foreignpolicy.com/p...sure_on_rwanda

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    There was a DRC hearing at the House of Foreign affairs.
    Please find below the link to the debats.

    House Cmte. Looks at Conflict in Congo
    WASHINGTON, DC
    Tuesday, December 11, 2012

    A House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee takes a look at the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Three UN reports this year confirm that Rwanda is supporting rebels who have ravaged and continue to plague the eastern Congo region.

    Witnesses at the hearing include; Johnnie Carson, assistant secretary of State, Bureau of African Affairs, John Prendergast, co-founder, Enough Project, Steve Hege, former member, U.N. Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Mvemba Dizolele, visiting
    http://www.c-span.org/Events/House-C...10737436502-1/

    I let you make your mind...

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    Quote Originally Posted by KingJaja View Post
    Please what did the Congolese Army do with all its AFRICOM training?
    Yes. Indeed. There was a report in July that the elite, U.S.-trained 391st Light Infantry, which are aided by U.S. Special Forces, was on its way to Goma to help stop m23, but no follow-up report. Now they're in the C.A.R., but saying they have nothing to do with the fact that the government of the C.A.R. seems to be going down to well-trained, well-equipped, well-fed "rebels," while the U.S. diplomatic staff is evacuated to avoid another security failure like that in Benghazi.

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    Quote Originally Posted by Angie Mimi View Post
    Yes. Indeed. There was a report in July that the elite, U.S.-trained 391st Light Infantry, which are aided by U.S. Special Forces, was on its way to Goma to help stop m23, but no follow-up report. Now they're in the C.A.R., but saying they have nothing to do with the fact that the government of the C.A.R. seems to be going down to well-trained, well-equipped, well-fed "rebels," while the U.S. diplomatic staff is evacuated to avoid another security failure like that in Benghazi.
    Hi Angie and welcome aboard !

    It is important to note that the training course held from December 2009 was in fact a Train the Trainer Course preparing commanders, officers, non-commissioned officers and a core group of instructors in the skills necessary to train, manage and lead a light infantry battalion. In February 2010 additional training included courses in small-unit tactics, communications, medical care and HIV/AIDS prevention and humanitarian demining. AND, the battalion received instruction on the respect of human rights, the prevention of sexual and gender-based violence, and the relationship between civilian and military authorities in a democratic society.

    This in no way would prepare the entire 391st for mortal combat and I doubt would change the mentality of those soldiers. Sending them to Goma or the CAR would probably cause more harm than good.

    Evacuating civilian embassy staff is a local decision with of course some blessing from Foggy Bottom. Doing so is far more prudent than a surprise similar to any incident since 1975 involving American Embassies and their personnel.

    Have a Happy and Safe New Year !
    If you want to blend in, take the bus

  12. #712
    Council Member M-A Lagrange's Avatar
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    Hello Mimi,

    As Stan said, the training was not special forces; even if in DRC what modern armies call a light infantry battalion is called special forces. Basically it means they have been trained to do more than walking and salute...

    On the M23 and FDLR front:


    Treasury Sets Sanctions on DRC Militant Groups
    04 January 2013

    Washington — The U.S. Department of the Treasury has designated two militant groups fomenting violence and instability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The action against Mouvement du 23 Mars (M23) and the Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) was taken under Executive Order 13413, which targets people contributing to the DRC conflict.

    M23 and the FDLR, operating in eastern DRC, have committed serious crimes involving the targeting of children, Treasury said in a January 3 press release. The crimes include recruitment as well as killing, maiming and sexual violence. M23 is also being designated for receiving arms and materiel related to military activities that have contributed directly to the conflict.

    Under the designations, U.S. persons are prohibited from providing support to M23 and the FDLR, and any of their assets within U.S. jurisdiction must be frozen.

    A credible body of evidence demonstrates support for M23 from the Rwandan government, including significant military and logistical support as well as operational and political guidance, Treasury said. The United States has repeatedly called for a permanent end to all support for M23 and the FDLR as well as other armed groups operating in the DRC.

    “The United States is committed to working with the international community to end the violence perpetrated against children in the DRC and exposing those responsible for these atrocities,” said David S. Cohen, under secretary of the Treasury for terrorism and financial intelligence. “We also urge Rwanda to halt its assistance to M23 and prevent any and all forms of support to Congolese armed groups.”

    M23 has recently taken control of large parts of eastern DRC. It is made up of forced recruits and rebels who mutinied from the DRC armed forces. The FDLR is led by Rwandan Hutus who were involved in the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Top commanders of both groups, M23’s Bosco Ntaganda and the FDLR’s Sylvestre Mudacumura, are wanted by the International Criminal Court.

    Both groups have been actively recruiting and using children in armed conflict, Treasury said. They have been responsible for campaigns of horrific violence against civilians, and they have used their resources to undermine peace efforts in the region.

    On December 31, 2012, the United Nations Security Council’s DRC Sanctions Committee, with the support of the United States, added M23 and the FDLR to its consolidated travel ban and asset-freeze list. The United States and the Security Council previously designated several leaders of M23 and the FDLR for their roles in the conflict.
    Read more: http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/e...#ixzz2HT3s5BuG

    But we still waiting for the Kampala negotiations between DRC gov and M23results...

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    Council Member M-A Lagrange's Avatar
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    Default DOD on DRC

    And some comments from my part. But we basically share almost the same views.

    Testimony: DOD AS Chollet at the “Update on the Evolving Security Situation in the DRC and Implications for US National Security” hearing before the House Armed Services Committee
    While the DRC builds its own security capabilities, the United Nations
    Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO) will continue to be essential in providing security for the civilian population in the DRC, enabling the Government of the DRC to focus on reform, and coordinating international SSR efforts.
    […]
    The FARDC’s absorptive capacity for assistance is limited. The Ministry of
    Defense has minimal bureaucratic structure and activities are often ad hoc.
    Such statement really impose the question: why in the world would Kabila even try to build a security sector since he has 17000 UN peacekeepers to protect him and establish domestic security?
    Once again, several seem to develop the misconception that UN or foreign forces can provide time to build an effective security sector in a failed state. Reality shows that it just gives more room for the government to ensure its grip over power and NOT conduct security sector reforms.

    I will close by saying that these problems are significant, but so is the potential of a stable and secure DRC and Great Lakes region. If the Government of the DRC commits itself to reform, U.S. and international community assistance can help implement the needed reforms. President Kabila has indicated his determination to enact needed changes, but his vision must resonate throughout the DRC government to ensure that donors have a partner interested in working together for long-term success. Until that happens, reform will be minimal, and the prospects for instability will remain high.
    Conditioning aid and cooperation to result should be the basic line, as well as coordination among security sector actors to avoid that recipient government screw up and conducts only “on the paper reforms”. Patience and long term views are necessary but imposing short term results a necessity.

    Full testimony can be found there:
    http://armedservices.house.gov/index...9-1c745317e281

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    The lost rebelion of the ADF/Nalu

    As described in the press revue, the ADF/Nalu are one if not the most unknown armed group in DRC. Their particularity, among many, is to be presented by Uganda authorities as an Islamist threat in the heart of Central Africa.
    The ICG briefing on ADF/Nalu tries to make the distinction between the reallity and the myth of that threat.

    Eastern Congo: The ADF-NALU’s Lost Rebellion
    The Allied Democratic Forces-National Army for the Liberation of Uganda (Forces démocratiques alliées-Armée nationale de libération de l’Ouganda, ADF-NALU) is one of the oldest but least known armed groups in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the only one in the area to be considered an Islamist terrorist organisation. Although it does not represent the same destabilising threat as the 23 March Movement (M23), it has managed to stand its ground against the Congolese army since 2010. Created in the DRC in 1995 and located in the mountainous DRC-Uganda border area, this Congolese-Ugandan armed group has shown remarkable resilience attributable to its geostrategic position, its successful integration into the cross-border economy and corruption in the security forces. Therefore, before considering any further military action against the ADF-NALU, it would be wise to separate fiction from fact and instead pursue a course of weakening its socio-economic base while at the same time offering a demobilisation and reintegration program to its combatants.

    Formed of an alliance of several armed groups supported by external actors (Mobutu Sese Seko’s Zaire and Hassan al-Turabi’s Sudan), the ADF-NALU initially fought the Ugandan government of Yoweri Museveni. However, despite its Ugandan origins, it never managed to gain a foothold in its own country and instead settled in eastern Congo, particularly in the remote mountainous border areas. There it became integrated into local communities, participated in cross-border trade and forged relationships with various armed groups in eastern Congo as well as with both Congolese and Ugandan civilian and military authorities. Given their location in this “grey zone”, the ADF-NALU’s lost combatants have been able to survive despite not winning a battle in over fifteen years and having been defeated several times, but never neutralised.

    Due to the ADF-NALU’s leader, Jamil Mukulu, a Christian convert to Islam, the group has transformed from a purely Congolese-Ugandan problem into one with regional dimensions, as a component of the trend of radical Islamism in East Africa. However, little is known about such purported links between ADF-NALU and radical Islamist organisations in the region and the group’s allegiance to Islamism seems rather superficial.

    The fight against armed groups in eastern Congo continues to be viewed through a military lens, but it would be wise to avoid another ineffective military operation. The International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), the UN, the DRC and Uganda should therefore adopt a different approach that seeks to:

    Formulate an intelligence-based strategy to neutralise the ADF-NALU’s cross-border economic and logistical networks. The officers of the Joint Verification Mechanism deployed by the ICGLR in 2012 should work with the UN group of experts to produce a detailed study of these networks and use it to define an appropriate strategy for undermining the armed group’s economic and logistical base.
    Include the leaders of ADF-NALU’s support networks, inside and outside the DRC, on the list of individuals subject to UN sanctions for their support of armed groups. Congolese and Ugandan military personnel colluding with these networks should be dealt with appropriately by the authorities of their country.
    Rotate on a regular basis Congolese and Ugandan officers deployed in this region.
    Introduce a disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) program for Congolese and Ugandan combatants who after investigation are found not to be responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity. MONUSCO should appeal to donors to fund the program for Congolese ADF-NALU combatants.
    Authorise villagers in the Erengeti and Oïcha areas to resume work on their farms, which was suspended by the military authorities.
    http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/region...rebellion.aspx

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    Default The sick man of Africa

    Catching up on my reading I found a short article by Richard Dowden in 'The Spectator' six weeks ago, it is a sad tale, truly the "dark heart" of Africa:http://www.spectator.co.uk/features/...man-of-africa/
    davidbfpo

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    Default Few up dates on the DRC situation

    First of all, for those who would like to follow the situation on the ground, please find below a link to the ICG inter-active map, now available in english.
    http://crisisgroup.be/maps/kivu-map/...-francais.html

    On the ground nothing much new since November last year when the M23 rebel group took Goma, the largest city of North Kivu, during nearly a week, before stepping back under combined US and UK pressures on Rwanda.
    On the diplomatic front, things are not moving neither in Kampala were DRC government and M23 are conducting a round of negotiations under the facilitation of ICGLR and mediated by Uganda, 2012 ICGLR chairman.

    The interresting development of this massive failure of the UN mission in DRC is the "experimental" deployment of drones (Unarmed) to monitor the border between DRC and Rwanda.
    Rwanda was first being extremely opposed to this proposition (Rwanda wants ‘clarity’ on UN drone plans for DR Congo, http://en.starafrica.com/news/rwanda...-dr-congo.html ; Rwanda opposes use of drones by the UN in eastern Congo, http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/...90802720130109), this against other ICGLR members as Uganda, which alledgely also provided support to M23. (Kinshasa, Kampala back U.N. plan for eastern Congo drones, http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/...90A11X20130111)

    Finally, the Kagame regime agreed for a deployment of drones to support the Joint Verification Mechanism, which Rwanda is part of, and supposed to monitor the military and armed groups movements on the border.

    Rwanda backs UN plan to deploy spy drones in eastern Congo
    On Monday, Kagame, who had earlier opposed the UN plan to deploy the drones, said he had "no problem" with it.
    "I have no problem... if they think it can help... it is up to them," Kagame told reporters in the Rwandan capital Kigali. However, he asked how the deployment of the drones in Congo would "contribute towards peace."
    http://www.presstv.ir/detail/2013/01...lan-for-congo/

    An impressive Uturn from the more and more isolated Kigali regime who is now seeking to get back the budget aid that was frozen after the active support of the RPF to M23 was disclosed.

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    After the war comes the time for justice. After the fall of Goma comes the time for denoncing war crimes from both parties...

    Here is the last press release from Human Right Watch:

    http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/02/05/d...congolese-army

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    MAL,

    From your HRW link:

    M23 Abuses During the Occupation of Goma

    Human Rights Watch has documented at least 24 cases of summary executions by M23 fighters during the M23’s occupation of Goma and nearby areas, between November 19 and December 2. All but three of the victims were civilians.

    Human Rights Watch research found that M23 rebels raped at least 36 women and girls in and around Goma during the same period, including at least 18 wives of army soldiers and a 10-year-old girl, who died from her wounds a day later.

    The M23 forcibly recruited army soldiers and medical officers, police, and civilians into its ranks in violation of the laws of war, and took them to its military bases for “retraining.”

    They also looted hundreds of homes, offices, and vehicles.
    Congolese Army Abuses During Rebels’ Advance

    Human Rights Watch documented at least 76 cases of rape of women and girls by Congolese army soldiers from November 20 to 30 in the town of Minova and nearby Bwisha, Buganga, Mubimbi, Kishinji, Katolo, Ruchunda, and Kalungu. The victims included women as old as 60 and girls as young as 13. The total number of victims is probably much higher since many women were afraid to report being raped or seek medical assistance.
    ...
    The military prosecutor in South Kivu province is investigating abuses by soldiers in and around Minova. Eleven soldiers have been arrested so far. Seven were accused of robbery, extortion, violations of military orders, collusion with the enemy, and other offenses. One is also being investigated for an alleged rape on December 24 in Minova. Two soldiers were arrested for the murder of the 14-year-old boy, and two others for the rape of a girl and a woman in Buganga on December 4 and 5. To Human Rights Watch’s knowledge, the military prosecutor has not ordered the arrest of any military personnel believed to have been involved in the rapes between November 20 and 30 near Minova.
    I've read Tom Odom's Journey into Darkness, a number of monographs and a short online course dealing with the Rwanda madness. Nothing I read about the Goma area will shock or surprise me.

    Being there, however, would be a far different story - where the carnage will hit the eyes, between the eyes and up the nose.

    If you have time, PM me re: my request post, Marc-Andre.

    Regards

    Mike

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    Default Peace talks in eastern DRC face uncertain outcome

    An IISS Strategic Comment, which opens with:
    Peace negotiations between the March 23 (M23) rebel movement and the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) have been under way for three months. They follow a seven-month conflict in the east of the country, which started in May when former rebels in the Congolese army mutinied, citing the government's failure to implement the provisions of a 2009 peace deal, under which they had been integrated into the army.

    In the first round of talks, the two sides agreed on an evaluation of the unsuccessful 23 March 2009 deal, from which the M23 took its name, outlining the provisions in the deal that had not been implemented, such as the creation of a national reconciliation mechanism. However, the next stage of negotiations – to establish a peace premised on the reintegration of rebel soldiers – has provoked confused reports. Different sources in Uganda and the DRC have suggested that a resumption of hostilities and a successful closure of the talks are both imminent. The reports likely reflect the structure of the M23, which has begun to splinter into two discrete factions.
    It ends with, I would suggest with a lot of prayer required, as the "carrot & stick" approach is clearly not working. Referring to a twin-track peace process:
    ...their success is likely to depend entirely on levels of participation and the commitment of the international community, particularly the government of Rwanda, to ending over two decades of regional conflict.
    Link:http://www.iiss.org/publications/str...rtain-outcome/
    davidbfpo

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    Council Member M-A Lagrange's Avatar
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    Thanks David for this post.

    I would like to bring a light "eclairage" on what is going on in Eastern DRC for those who do not follow on a daily base the events there.

    In fact things have gone a little amok in the past month since the regional powers (ICRGL, SADC, AU) and the UN signed a peace agreement framework under the patronage of the United Nation Secretary General in Addis Abeba on February 24 and supported by USA, UK, Belgium, France and EU.

    Here is a link to US embassy comment on the Peace Agreement
    U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
    Office of the Spokesperson
    February 25, 2013
    STATEMENT BY PATRICK VENTRELL, ACTING DEPUTY SPOKESPERSON
    Signature of Framework Agreement for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Region
    The United States strongly supports the initiative of the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and ten other African heads of state in signing the Peace, Security, and Cooperation Framework for the DRC and the Region, witnessed by three African regional bodies and the United Nations.
    Read more: http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/e...#ixzz2NWUYkt7i
    http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/e...#axzz2NWUBzFY2

    Following the signature of this peace agreement framework (which aims to enforce peace and stability resolutions taken and signed by the various actors of DRC conflict in the past) the M23 rebel group splitted in 2 to 3 parts.
    The situation in the field is extremely complex and combats have erupted between M23 factions.
    DRC government announced they wanted to sign a peace deal with M23 but as the situation went from "quite but unpredictable" (as the MONUSCO says) to complete chaos, the chances for this peace agreement between one wing of the M23 and Kinshasa has little chance to happen. Also, as M23 is divided, this peace deal will involve only one part of M23... Which means that 1 or 2 new armed groups will remain.

    What is needed now is, as IISS says, a strong committement from all Adis Abeba peace agrement framework signatories to enforce and impose peace to armed groups in North Kivu. Which means in the immediat time a quick deployment of the "intervention brigade" the UNSG called for few weeks ago.
    Ban calls on Security Council to authorize intervention brigade for DR Congo
    5 March 2013 – Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon today called on the Security Council to authorize the deployment of a special force within the current United Nations peacekeeping operation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) to address imminent threats to peace and security.

    “The security situation remains fragile – and demands urgent actions,” Mr. Ban said as he briefed the Council.
    http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.as...0#.UUHdBxenC8A

    The question now is can the population wait for the UNSC to take the time to discuss at will a new mandate for MONUSCO or should that force come immediatly to potect the civilian populations as it is stated in MONUSCO actual mandate and give a break to the population who are under fire since a week now?

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