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    William F. Owen posted: Raiding is the acme of MW is it not? Translations of Mao, and Sun-Tzu?
    Sometimes, when raiding is appropriate to the situation and the desired ends, and sometimes not.

    William F. Owen posted: Obviously there was a need to do things better and do better things, so why didn't the project start with the aim of researching this?
    Project?? Sorry if I mislead you with my simplified explanation, but the introduction of MW into the Corps was not a ‘project’. I think I am not too far wrong when I suggest that rather than it being a project, that it was more of a ‘fight’ than anything else. MW was very controversial, and strongly resisted in many parts of the Corps, for a variety of reasons (if you are interested in some of the reasons I can do a ‘cut and paste’ - heck if Steve Metz can do that, smart person that he is, then so can I ).

    So let me elaborate a bit more on the ‘it was more complicated than this’ part of my previous failed attempt to explain.

    The so-called ‘maneuvrist vs attirionist’ debate, which I mentioned above, rolled in public along from 1980/81 to late 1984, at least in the pages of the Gazette (it does not vanish, only fades a fair bit) but I expect it continued in the places where most of that debate occurred – the officers mess, officers club, bars, street corners, training exercises, and so on. Moreover, the hierarchy of the Corps, particularly from 1983 (Commandant Kelly) was broadly resistant to adopting MW. Pressured by the Defence Reform Caucus in Congress, the Corps allowed that MW was amongst its repertoire of warfighting approaches, but there is real sense that this ‘admission’ was grudgingly given at best. I do not think that had one of the Marine Generals that were seen as one of the likely ‘next possible Commandant’ that the Corps would not have eventually moved to adopt MW (if only because the Army had adopted its version earlier) but certainly it was the surprise appointment of Gray (who was not seen by anyone as one of the ‘next possible commmandant’) that meant that it happened when it did.

    (Worth mentioning as an aside is that while there certainly were interconnections and cross fertilization between various communities with in the Corps that were advocating MW, these communities can not be seen as being unified. Rather they were disparate communities that over time might be said to have become a ‘movement’ in support of MW.)

    With Gray’s appointment, the old debate over MW vs methodical battle (ie 'attrition' was the derogatory term for this) erupted in to the public sphere again. Gray, in part as he was preoccupied with other issues (some stemming from the Corps having suffered due to Lebanon and the Moscow Marine security guards) but also in part because he did not think that the Corps needed an official MW document/doctrine, only in early 1989 started to move to generating what was to become MCDP-1, Warfighting. I believe I am on reasonably firm ground when I suggest that a reason, though certainly not the only one, for this decision to move to promulgate MW officially as the Marines warfighting doctrine, was concern by his staff at the degree of institutional push back on MW.

    Indeed, such was the push back that it took at least until 1993 before it was possible to say, as a Marine officer did in the pages of the Gazette that year, that the Corps had finally accepted MW (Commandant Mundy continued to drive the institutionalization of MW). So, no, not a project - more of a fight.

    William F. Owen posted: Why were concepts, some flawed, grouped together as MW, without someone saying "hold on a god**m second!", and re-write its doctrine emphasising what the historical and operational record told them, as being useful?
    I confess that I am not entirely sure what you are getting at here. Certainly Gray, van Riper (who supported MW), Wyly and other Marines based their thinking on their reading of military history and their operational experiences. All three of these named officers were very well read – and that probably grossly understates how well read they were – in military history, and this along with their own experiences was the basis of their developing perspectives on ‘a better way to fight’. Gray in his thinking and indeed practice (of his commands) was well on his way towards MW by 1976 (or thereabouts), and all three had adapted in Vietnam in ways that also pointed them towards MW. It is Boyd, obviously, who crystallizes MW into a more systematic body of thought, and he certainly influenced these gentlemen, and others, but not because what he was saying was stunningly new to them, rather because Boyd’s conceptions pulled together what they had been thinking and learning from their reading of history and their own operational experience. And Boyd, if this needs to be said, read and based his thinking on mil history, and then read even more widely to flesh this out.

    If you are referring to Lind’s Maneuver Warfare book, this is based largely as far I can tell on Lind’s focus on the German military. Lind is an aficionado of the German military (of yore) even to this day, but to be fair the Wehrmacht did seek to systemize MW (or what the Allies termed Blitzkrieg) and applied terms to aspects of it. So in explaining MW there is a tendency, probably understandable, to use the German terms even though any number of them do not really translate to English, simply because there is no analogous English-language term or concept. But, and I think this is a big ‘but,’ MCDP-1, Warfighting and Lind’s book are not the same.

    MCDP-1 was written by Capt John Schmitt, under the immediate direction of Gray (apparently many half day and full day one-on-one sessions, with the Cols, etc, sitting in the background), with Gray indicating to Schmitt what he thought, usually expressing concepts and ideas by way of personal operational examples (or those of other Marines) and references to military history. Schmitt further read and included Clausewitz and Sun Tzu (and others) and consulted with a select number of other Marines in writing MCDP-1, including van Riper (Schmitt, in passing, rewrote Warfighting it in 96/97, under the direction of Gen. Krulak, and Lt. Gen. van Riper, in 96-97). Interestingly, while Schmitt sent Boyd copies for comment, Boyd was preoccupied and did not get any comments back to Schmitt. MCDP-1 was meant to be a description of a way to think about war and warfare, not a prescription about how to fight (where Lind’s book is more the latter).

    So while many Marines (and Army and other national) officers almost certainly do speak in terms of ‘you do push-pull recon’, etc, and so on (I have talked with officers who talk in this way about MW), that was not what was intended. Sometimes push-pull recon works and is required, other times it is not. To repeat, MW, as laid out in MCDP-1, was meant to be a philosophy or mindset for thinking about war and how best to fight. The Marine’s breaching the Iraqi fortified border defences in GW1 is an example of the MW ‘mindset’ being applied during Gray’s commandancy (see Gen. J. Michael Myatt, ‘Comments on maneuver’, Marine Corps Gazette, Vol. 82, Iss. 10, Oct. 1998, p. 40ff; and and Lt. Col. G.I. Wilson, ‘The Gulf War, Maneuver Warfare, and the Operational Art’, Marine Corps Gazette, Vol.75, Iss. 6 June 1991, p. 23ff.).

    That is the best answer I can give at the moment, for in the end I really do not understand your question: ‘Why were concepts, some flawed, grouped together as MW, without someone saying "hold on a god**m second!", and re-write its doctrine emphasising what the historical and operational record told them, as being useful?’. Certainly over time there is tendency (and a very real one at that) to take ‘concepts’ articulated under the umbrella MW and think that these should always be applied – that is, to see them as ‘prescriptive’.. But that is not how Gray and others intended MW to be understood.

    To conclude my overly long disquisition….

    William F. Owen posted:... and like Riper, the USMC created the likes of Evans Carlson, Sam Griffiths and a bunch of other gifted officers, with a clear understanding of effective methods of fighting.
    Yes, but…… Absolutely critical is getting these ‘effective methods of fighting’ institutionalized. You will find lots of lots of reasons profered on many different threads on this board for why institutionalizing such is usually very, very difficult (see above for one example ), and why such attempts to do so often fail outright.


    Cheers

    TT

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    Default Back to 4GW and legitimacy

    Ski posted: You are missing the point on legitimacy, I think. It's about the legitimacy of the state to exist as a state - the failure to provide services, to provide security, the intrusion of the state into people's lives via high taxes, etc...it has nothing to do about using force, or the application of the military. It has everything to do with the state losing power and legitimacy in the eyes of its own people.
    Like Ski said! My explanation, in trying to be succinct, was obviously not clear. Thanks, Ski, for clarifying!

    Ski posted: 4GW is a return to pre-Treaty of Westphalia warfare in many aspects - due to the fracturing of the nation-state, the rise of non-state/sub-state actors, but with the added aspects of cheap global communications systems (the Internet/cell phones) and the dominance of the 24/7 media cycle where there is no filter for what is defined as "news".

    I look at the state as being slowly stretched apart from two directions - economic globalization is degrading the state from above, and the rise of non/sub-state actors are degrading it from below.
    Well explained! If anyone is interested, James Rosenau's Turbulence in World Politics, Princeton Uni Press, 1991, argues this in great detail. It is a thick, hard to read book, but he develops the argument that Ski succinctly makes in horrifying empirical detail (rather a ponderous read). Rosenau's argument was that what we were starting to see emerge was what he called the 'bifurcation' of world politics, an international system comprised of the sovereign bound (states) and the non-sovereign bound (both sub state and supra or trans state actors), and that stemming from the transfer of individuals loyality away (either 'upwards' to supra state actors or 'downwards' to substate actor from a 'state' that increasingly cannot meet adequately all the competing demands of its multitudinous citizens, and these substate and suprastate actors will compete and cooperate amongst themselve as well as with states. (and I have no doubt butchered this explanation as well ). Rosenau also identifies a range of drivers for this trend, ones that are consistent with SKi's explanation.

    Rosenau's book is, of course, dated now but his basic argument still more or less holds.

    As a passing aside observation, Rosenau (yes, a political scientist, nothing to do with 4GW) was largely ignored for a number of years by the academic community but somewhere around 1993/94 or thereabouts, you suddenly could not find an academic conference that did not have one or more roundtables dedicated to discussing his argument and its implications.

    TT

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    Default Thanks Tt!

    TT, whoever you are.

    A heartfelt thanks for your explanation. I feel no better towards MW but at least I now understand the why and the how, and I really appreciate your efforts. Again, many thanks.
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    Default 4gw

    William F. Owen posted: Why future conflict? Based on that description we had 4GW back in the Hussite Rebellion, the various and very annoying Welsh, Irish and Scottish rebellions and the actions of the secessionist living in His Majesties Colonies in the Americas. . Look at how the French kicked the British out of medieval France. The Indian Mutiny?
    As Granite State rightly noted,

    ‘A point a lot of people forget is that it's "Four Generations of Modern War."

    As I noted above, what they (the original developers of 4GW) said would be ‘new’ would be ‘who fights’ and ‘what they fight for’ – not necessarily how they fight. And they did not focus on insurgencies or guerrilla warfare (or what ever term you wish you use) – Hammes does this in The Sling and the Stone, which ‘popularized’ 4GW. They did not, and never have, argued that their ‘generational’ framework works across all of history.

    As to why ‘future conflict’, they were making the point that war ‘always evolves and changes’. They very specifically were intent on poking the US military, which by 1989 had pretty much adopted ManWar (with Gray as commandant of the Corps, that the Corps would was taken as written – which was not entirely correct), suggesting that it should not be complacent, should not rest on its laurels. Their concern was one that is frequently noted here on the boards, which is that US military historically has tended to focus on being able to fight that last war better or to focus one form of warfare, and so are often unprepared for the next war they find themselves engaged in.

    As for why specifically ‘future’ war, they contended that the shift from one generation to the next is evolutionary, a process that takes decades (upwards of 50-70 years) to occur. Such a shift does happen suddenly, all at once, rather it emerges slowly, by fits and starts, going backwards and forwards, over a long period of time before there is something clearly different (from decades before) - and also that there will characteristics that carry on from one generation to the next. The later arguments in the 1990s about how past RMA’s occur is broadly consistent with what they were arguing in terms of time frames and why such shifts occur - ie tech, social, economic, political, etc reasons, not just because of a change in one factor (as was the case re tech in the RMA debate of the 1990s). As I noted earlier, the original core writers on 4GW perceive elements of what are witnessing today as part of this evolution to 4GW, not that it means that 4GW has ‘arrived’ and is the only form of war out there.


    William F. Owen posted:...so being that this is all fairly fundamental stuff, how can it get called 4GW,
    They used the generational framework solely to simplify. They simplified due to space restrictions - their 1989 and 1994 articles are only around 2,500 to 3,000 words in length -- and in order to achieve clarity in reaching out to the US military. In short, they thought that the generational framework would make it easier for the US military to understand their argument that warfare ‘will’ change in time (the first three gens match reasonably well the evolution the US militaries – among other militaries - changing approaches to warfare in the ‘modern’ era.) And having identified three gens, the next evolutionary stage becomes by default the fourth one. 4GW is very inelegant and misleading as a term (a view which I suspect at least some of the originators would agree with these days), just like ‘maneuver warfare’ is a very inelegant and misleading term for an approach to warfighting (makes people think MW is about movement/maneuver – which of course it is not; movement is only one of a host of techniques). But like it or not, that is the term that we are stuck with (which is why Hammes, if I remember correctly used it in his book – not because he liked the term or thought it a particularly good term).


    William F. Owen posted: and who benefits from doing so?
    This is a very post-positivist, social constructivist question . Their answer would be the US, for they were making an effort to convince the American military to pay attention to how warfare was evolving so that it would not be caught out down the road by changes (so to speak), lest being caught out (ie defeated) harm the security and interests of the US.

    I should probably mention that I am usually referring to the main core of those who have been arguing about 4GW. Post 9/11, 4GW emerged from the margins where it had resided through the 1990s and a lot of other people jumped onto its particular bandwagon. And as is always the case, there has occurred all sorts of drift in how and to what ends various people try to use the concept (and this usually happens to any concept). So while the core writers see aspects of 4GW emerging, others argue that 4GW is here, now (perhaps a subtle difference, nevertheless……).

    Cheers

    TT

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    William F. Owen: A heartfelt thanks for your explanation. I feel no better towards MW but at least I now understand the why and the how, and I really appreciate your efforts. Again, many thanks.
    My pleasure. And no worries about your view of MW - I have not been trying to convince you of its merits (or demerits).

    William F. Owen: whoever you are.
    Now that is a difficult question to answer!

    The short answer is a hippy academic. A somewhat longer answer can be found on the boards 'Tell us who you are' thread, on this page:
    http://council.smallwarsjournal.com/...?t=1441&page=9

    Though I doubt what you will find is anymore enlightening

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    A few other points about Lind's involvement in the Marine Corps development of maneuver warfare in the 1980's. I've written a Master's degree paper about the Military Reform movement and one cannot forget Lind's influence as a key defense staffer for Hart and Taft (although that was in the 1970's).

    Lind was able to convince a number of key politicians that Grey was the right choice to be the next commandant. This may have been important, it may have been destined to occur without any influence from Hill anyway. The Defense Reform Caucus was quite large in number although there was a small core of about a dozen politicians who were really active in pushing military reform at any chance.

    Lind also had some influence to maneuver warfare because he was an unofficial advisor to Grey, and Lind also helped push the MCDP manuals (this is all according to an interview I had with Bill Lind - have not been able to verify from another source, so I have to take this point as a maybe) to be written and disseminated.


    As TT stated, the problem with getting any doctrine introduced into the US military is how to get it institutionalized. It's usually tied back to resourcing - all American military services care about two things - force structure and resources (the two are tied together). Doctrine helps drive force structure, which in turn drives resourcing.

    From what I have seen from the Marine Officers, Lind is either seen as a mad genius or he is just plain mad. Lind also disagrees with some of Hammes conclusions about 4GW, including the influence of Mao...

    The one aspect of Lind that I find fascinating is his ability to influence military thought and doctrine over a 30 year period as being either a civilian (and not a military civilian, like a Department of the Army civilian) or a defense staffer. When I was researching the Master's paper I mentioned earlier, he literally launched a blitzkrieg of articles and letters to every major military magazine - the Marine Corps Gazette, Military Review, Parameters, Air University Review, Proceedings - it was absurd how much the guys wrote in the 70's and 80's - and it was a credit to all the services that they allowed him to voice his opinion in their service manuals. There was a lot of looking inward because of Vietnam, and Lind, for better or worse, was one of the main contributors in helping develop post-Vietnam doctrine for the Marine Corps, and to a lesser extent the Army. The Air Force and Navy ignored him (the Navy because he helped get a number of ships scuttled due to his influence on Capitol Hill).
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    I have to say I find this immensely depressing. MW, EBO and 4GW are all the product of the same two men, with a few acolytes, and supporters.

    I see very little merit in any of these ideas, and much that is both confusing, nonsensical and even harmful.

    So here is something I don't understand. If MW was developed as a product of the Vietnam War, and the Vietnam War contained a very high degree of insurgency, how come MW is utterly silent on COIN?
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    Default Couple questions

    TT,

    Thanks for all of this, it's interesting stuff. A couple questions when you get a second:

    I do not think that had one of the Marine Generals that were seen as one of the likely ‘next possible Commandant’ that the Corps would not have eventually moved to adopt MW (if only because the Army had adopted its version earlier)
    They did? Is this AirLand Battle doctrine, or something else? I thought Maneuver Warfare was such a big deal partly because the Marines were well ahead of the curve here, Lind certainly bangs on about that, calling the U.S. Army a "second generation force" all the time.

    (Worth mentioning as an aside is that while there certainly were interconnections and cross fertilization between various communities with in the Corps that were advocating MW, these communities can not be seen as being unified. Rather they were disparate communities that over time might be said to have become a ‘movement’ in support of MW.)
    ....
    Indeed, such was the push back that it took at least until 1993 before it was possible to say, as a Marine officer did in the pages of the Gazette that year, that the Corps had finally accepted MW (Commandant Mundy continued to drive the institutionalization of MW). So, no, not a project - more of a fight.
    Is it just me, or does this not sound a bit like how the German Army adopted stormtroop tactics in 1917-1918? Innovation at lower levels, a battle against resisters in higher command (albeit a much quicker battle for the Germans), someone at the top fortuitously seeing and agreeing with the new ideas (Webb/Gray vs. Ludendorff)?

    Quote Originally Posted by TT View Post
    If you are referring to Lind’s Maneuver Warfare book, this is based largely as far I can tell on Lind’s focus on the German military. Lind is an aficionado of the German military (of yore) even to this day, but to be fair the Wehrmacht did seek to systemize MW (or what the Allies termed Blitzkrieg) and applied terms to aspects of it.
    Did they? Can you provide info on this? My own understanding, based on some relatively light reading as an undergrad, was that blitzkrieg warfare was evolutionary, organic, arguably rooted in traditional German operational doctrine, and got its real base during the Reichswehr years. Do you mean being codified by Seeckt in the training and operations manuals of the day?

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    Granite State posted: They did? Is this AirLand Battle doctrine, or something else? I thought Maneuver Warfare was such a big deal partly because the Marines were well ahead of the curve here, Lind certainly bangs on about that, calling the U.S. Army a "second generation force" all the time.
    Yes, FM-100-5 (1982) first brought MW into Army doctrine, and is, as you say, essentially AirLand Battle (and if I am wrong on this someone please jump in to correct me). There are real differences between the Army’s and the Marine’s approach to MW – between FM 100-5 and MCDP-1 Warfighting- however. Lind’s view was the Army approach was nowhere near what it should have been (he gave up trying to convert the Army to focus on the Corps), whereas his view was (and is) the Marine’s approach was the right way to go. To oversimplify, greatly, FM 100-5 (1982) is a 'how to manual' and MCDP-1 is a philosophy or 'how to think' manual, which makes the Army from his perspective a 2nd Gen force. This difference is why the Marines are seen by some as being well ahead of the curve. As Gray observed in a meeting in early 1989 (as reported in the minutes of the meeting), to quote, ‘‘We can’t let the Army be perceived as the front runners in tactical thinking with their FM 100-5. They have a book and can’t do it, we can do it but don’t have a book’. I would add that the first sentence reflects to a degree the USMC cultural trait (as I deem it) of ‘organizational paranoia’.


    Granite State posted: s it just me, or does this not sound a bit like how the German Army adopted stormtroop tactics in 1917-1918? Innovation at lower levels, a battle against resisters in higher command (albeit a much quicker battle for the Germans), someone at the top fortuitously seeing and agreeing with the new ideas (Webb/Gray vs. Ludendorff)?
    Yes, ‘a bit like’ is about right. There is a degree of innovation at lower levels, for Gray was using MW when he was commanding at Lejeune (though he was a GO). But for the most part, what happens is officers from Capts through to Cols are advocating that the Marine Corps adopt MW as a better way to fight than through ‘methodical battle’. They are not really innovating per se, for Boyd provided them with MW (and Lind did as well – Lind was, as Ski noted above, a very central actor in all of this), as did their reading of military history, so they are rather, me being an academic, 'agents of change or innovation'. Another aspect where your ‘a bit like’ observation holds, I would argue, is that MW is what can be termed a ‘bottom-up’ driven process of innovation (as opposed to a top down process (driven either a senior officer or civilian leadership) and certainly the Germans got to MW through a bottom up approach. The process transforms into a top down process, of course, when Gray is appointed Commandant. But as one officer involved back then that I interviewed observed, ‘we never thought that one of us would be become commandant’.

    Granite State posted: Did they? Can you provide info on this? My own understanding, based on some relatively light reading as an undergrad, was that blitzkrieg warfare was evolutionary, organic, arguably rooted in traditional German operational doctrine, and got its real base during the Reichswehr years. Do you mean being codified by Seeckt in the training and operations manuals of the day?
    I have to plead guilty here to overstating the case when I used the term ‘systematized’. I used that term mainly because it was the only one that occurred to me at the time. Probably a 'coherent concept of' would be, and have been, better. Certainly the Germans had a terminology for aspects of MW (don’t ask what they are off the top of my head). I have a number of books on the German development of MW in my ‘would like to read pile’, which is somewhat higher than my huge ‘need to read’ pile. I am sure, however, someone here on the boards can provide a more specific answer.

    My ignorance admitted, yes, my understanding from what I have read is that your point that the German’s development of MW was evolutionary is correct, starting with their development of infiltration tactics on the Central Front and developing thereafter (as you say in particular during the Reichstag era), whereupon the Allies saw it in full flower in the 1939 and 1940 (the Sedan, in particular) German campaigns. I confess that I am not sure whether they ‘codified’ it, or when, not least as ‘codifying’ MW seems to me to be at odds with MW being a mindset or philosophy (which is what MCDP-1). And yes, my use of ‘systematize’ is equally problematic for the same reason.

    As you mention Seeckt, as an possibly interesting aside, I am sitting here trying remember if it was him, or another German general, that Gray brought over to solicit his views on and understanding of MW. I think it was when Gray was in command at Lejuene in the early 1980s but I honestly cannot remember if this is correct right now - it is somewhere in my copious notes (that I am still adding to) and it would take me a while, probably long while to find these (so sorry, but thought you might find the latter day connection to the Germans of passing interest).

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    Quote Originally Posted by TT View Post
    As you mention Seeckt, as an possibly interesting aside, I am sitting here trying remember if it was him, or another German general, that Gray brought over to solicit his views on and understanding of MW. I think it was when Gray was in command at Lejuene in the early 1980s but I honestly cannot remember if this is correct right now - it is somewhere in my copious notes (that I am still adding to) and it would take me a while, probably long while to find these (so sorry, but thought you might find the latter day connection to the Germans of passing interest).
    Thanks for the answers. Wouldn't be Seeckt though, he died not long after Hitler came to power, 1935 or 1936. Maybe Hermann Balck or F.W. von Mellenthin, but those are more or less guesses.

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    Granite State posted: Thanks for the answers. Wouldn't be Seeckt though, he died not long after Hitler came to power, 1935 or 1936. Maybe Hermann Balck or F.W. von Mellenthin, but those are more or less guesses.
    Glad to be of help, such as it was. Well, definitely it was not Seeckt I think it was not von Mellenthin, so maybe Balck (?). But as I said, I really would have root around in my notes to get the specific details of precisely who and when. It is one of those small details in a much bigger analytical narrative I am working on, so what is left of my memory put the specifics aside knowing I have it on paper somewhere.

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    I'll add this: I like to read Lind's essays; I don't always believe them but I like to read them.

    I don't think a lot about whether or not 4GW, MW, or the OODA loop are valid from a military perspective. I like to consider Lind's take on things because of his belief that the nation state is loosing the monopoly on war.

    When your enemy is a network, mafia, cartel, tribe, or clan instead of a state sponsored army it has serious law enforcement implications. When is something an act of war and when is something a crime? When is a war really a feud and vice versa?

    John Giduck writes in Terror at Beslan that in the coming years military and police forces will move toward each other; in that, the military will seem a little more like the police and the police will seem a little more like the military.

    Yeah, I know, this isn't new either: the Roman Army had constabulary forces and some American frontier era police forces, the Texas Rangers come to mind, were a paramilitary police force of sorts. So strictly speaking it may not be new but it is new to the mind of the average 21st Century American.

    And that's why I like to read Lind going on and on about the probability of fighting mostly non-nation state enemies in the coming years.
    Last edited by Rifleman; 12-22-2007 at 11:59 PM.
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    Granite and TT

    It was Balck who came over. Boyd and Lind spoke with him at length about a myriad of topics. I've read the actual transcript of a formal interview one of the DC based think tanks did with Balck, for the life of me I can't remember the title or who performed the interview.

    Also, when the A-10 was being designed, Sprey and Boyd talked with Hans Ulrich Rudel and received his input on what was needed for the optimal CAS aircraft. Rudel said, "A powerful cannon, an armored cockpit, and some kind of baffling to hide the heat signature of the engines to reduce the SAM threat."
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