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Thread: The Illogic of American Military Strategy in Iraq

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    Quote Originally Posted by SteveMetz View Post
    Ultimately I'm afraid discourse on Iraq has shifted to the surreal.
    Looking at what's being discussed right now one can divide the parties into two big groups:
    1) I'm fed up with this war, constantly bad news from Iraq, too many casualties and too expensive. Get out there quickly. Let's have the Iraqis deal with this mess. Though pulling out may look a little bit like Vietnam we can still point out to liberating Iraq from Saddam; at least that's something. And what becomes of Iraq....I don't care.
    2) The fate of Iraq is not important. The only important thing for the US is not being "defeated" and humiliated by these Islamists. Not another Vietnam-Trauma again. We have to win that at any cost! Hang on! Lets keep up supporting the war until the right moment when we can somehow claim a win; for achieving this let us intimidate the US citizens with the image of Jihadists coming to CONUS to place IEDs in front of the Capitol; every trick is welcome just to get the necessary support for the war...

    Common to both options is that they don't care about Iraq and the Iraqi people.
    By the way, why was the war started ...?

    BRUZ

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    Council Member RTK's Avatar
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    Quote Originally Posted by BRUZ_LEE View Post
    Looking at what's being discussed right now one can divide the parties into two big groups:
    1) I'm fed up with this war, constantly bad news from Iraq, too many casualties and too expensive. Get out there quickly. Let's have the Iraqis deal with this mess. Though pulling out may look a little bit like Vietnam we can still point out to liberating Iraq from Saddam; at least that's something. And what becomes of Iraq....I don't care.
    2) The fate of Iraq is not important. The only important thing for the US is not being "defeated" and humiliated by these Islamists. Not another Vietnam-Trauma again. We have to win that at any cost! Hang on! Lets keep up supporting the war until the right moment when we can somehow claim a win; for achieving this let us intimidate the US citizens with the image of Jihadists coming to CONUS to place IEDs in front of the Capitol; every trick is welcome just to get the necessary support for the war...

    Common to both options is that they don't care about Iraq and the Iraqi people.
    By the way, why was the war started ...?

    BRUZ
    Not sure where the two groups you've stereotyped are coming from. Looks like the political spectrum. I don't think you're talking about people here.

    My problem with leaving is that I will feel like I lied to every Iraqi I came in contact with over 2 years if we don't help them establish the safety and security they deserve. Maybe I'm the only one around that is dumb (or is that patient?) enough to still believe it can happen.
    Example is better than precept.

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    Council Member SteveMetz's Avatar
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    Quote Originally Posted by BRUZ_LEE View Post
    Looking at what's being discussed right now one can divide the parties into two big groups:
    1) I'm fed up with this war, constantly bad news from Iraq, too many casualties and too expensive. Get out there quickly. Let's have the Iraqis deal with this mess. Though pulling out may look a little bit like Vietnam we can still point out to liberating Iraq from Saddam; at least that's something. And what becomes of Iraq....I don't care.
    2) The fate of Iraq is not important. The only important thing for the US is not being "defeated" and humiliated by these Islamists. Not another Vietnam-Trauma again. We have to win that at any cost! Hang on! Lets keep up supporting the war until the right moment when we can somehow claim a win; for achieving this let us intimidate the US citizens with the image of Jihadists coming to CONUS to place IEDs in front of the Capitol; every trick is welcome just to get the necessary support for the war...

    Common to both options is that they don't care about Iraq and the Iraqi people.
    By the way, why was the war started ...?

    BRUZ

    My point was that we need a realistic notion of what our interests in Iraq are and what the threats to those interests are. Only in this way can we assess when the costs of engagement surpass the expected benefits. But when the President makes his case using absolute nonsense like this idea that if we disengage, AQ is going to take over the place and use it as a base for attacks on the United States, it's hard to develop a realistic notion of what is at stake.

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    Council Member tequila's Avatar
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    Iraq: Go Deep or Get Out - Stephen Biddle, 11 July.

    ... Without a major U.S. combat effort to keep the violence down, the American training effort would face challenges even bigger than those our troops are confronting today. An ineffective training effort would leave tens of thousands of American trainers, advisers and supporting troops exposed to that violence in the meantime. The net result is likely to be continued U.S. casualties with little positive effect on Iraq's ongoing civil war.

    The American combat presence in Iraq is insufficient to end the violence but does cap its intensity. If we draw down that combat presence, violence will rise accordingly. To be effective, embedded trainers and advisers must live and operate with the Iraqi soldiers they mentor -- they are not lecturers sequestered in some safe classroom. The greater the violence, the riskier their jobs and the heavier their losses.

    ....

    The result is a vicious cycle. The more we shift out of combat missions and into training, the harder we make the trainers' job and the more exposed they become. It is unrealistic to expect that we can pull back to some safe yet productive mission of training but not fighting -- this would be neither safe nor productive.

    If the surge is unacceptable, the better option is to cut our losses and withdraw altogether. In fact, the substantive case for either extreme -- surge or outright withdrawal -- is stronger than for any policy between ...

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    Council Member SteveMetz's Avatar
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    Quote Originally Posted by tequila View Post
    Iraq: Go Deep or Get Out - Stephen Biddle, 11 July.

    I was just reading that. Steve and I often agree to disagree but I think he's right here. In fact, I made a similar argument about "splitting the difference" in our initial approach to Iraq in a study published earlier this year:

    The United States could have approached Iraq in one of three ways: as a liberated nation, quickly creating a transitional Iraqi government and giving it sovereignty; as a defeated nation which would have required a massive and long-term occupation like that of Germany and Japan after World War II; or as a failed state which could have been addressed by passing control to the United Nations. Each would have had political disadvantages or significant costs, but each would have avoided entangling the United States in a protracted counterinsurgency campaign. By splitting the difference among them rather than committing to one, the United States became a half-hearted occupier, inspiring armed resistance without deterring it.


    This, I think, illustrates an enduring problem with American strategy. Our entire political culture and ethos is based on finding compromise between diverse positions. In domestic politics, that works. In strategy, it often does not.

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    Council Member tequila's Avatar
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    I'm not sure if the root is necessarily in American consensus politics. Foreign policy is generally made and executed in the executive branch, and certainly Iraq policy for the last four years has been the sole purview of this Administration until Democratic Party Congressional victories a few months ago.

    The problem, I think, was that the post-invasion planning for Iraq was unrealistic, unresourced, and generally unserious. Plan A was halfass, and Plan B didn't even exist and was tossed together on the fly, without even a proper chain of command or communication between the civilian and military elements. Rather than dictating a course we ended up responding to events, and the end result has been chaos, waste, and the current wonderful situation we have now. What was always going to be very difficult ended up becoming much, much worse than if proper grownups had been in charge.

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    Council Member SteveMetz's Avatar
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    Quote Originally Posted by tequila View Post
    I'm not sure if the root is necessarily in American consensus politics. Foreign policy is generally made and executed in the executive branch, and certainly Iraq policy for the last four years has been the sole purview of this Administration until Democratic Party Congressional victories a few months ago.

    The problem, I think, was that the post-invasion planning for Iraq was unrealistic, unresourced, and generally unserious. Plan A was halfass, and Plan B didn't even exist and was tossed together on the fly, without even a proper chain of command or communication between the civilian and military elements. Rather than dictating a course we ended up responding to events, and the end result has been chaos, waste, and the current wonderful situation we have now. What was always going to be very difficult ended up becoming much, much worse than if proper grownups had been in charge.
    But the American tradition has always been that public and congressional opinion matters, even in national security. I think that is one of the defining features of our strategic culture, and one which leaves us ill equipped for ambiguous, protracted conflict. There may be a period of deference to the executive during a crisis, but it is always short lived. The Bush administration should have known in the summer of 2003 that it had about three years to make demonstrable progress or it would start losing public and congressional support. If it couldn't meet this timeline, it should have started looking for a way out at that point.

    Of course, you're right about the failure of Phase IV planning. I was knocking around with the CFLCC Phase IV planning cell in April 2003 and saw it. But this is not unusual--states often don't anticipate or recognize insurgency until they have coalesced. Look at the British experience in Malaya or the French in Indochina or Algeria. The difference there, at least in the British case, was that their strategic culture gives much more deference to the government and entails a greater tolerance for protracted small wars.

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    THE CHINESE DRAGON LAUGHS

    Grand Strategy matters. The Chinese develop their economic power (just buy something here in CONUS and read where it was made...) and refrain from these types of military engagements we love to take on hot-blooded and hastily again and again.
    As I wrote in an earlier post here, the Soviet fate in Afghanistan should be studied in respect to Grand Strategy (and not only on a Lester/Grau tactical level as it has been done excellently), because our strategic dilemma in IRAQ (Stay there-very bad; Leave-even worse) seems to be very similar to the "Bear Trap". The current ongoing Stay/Withdraw-discussions are proof of that dilemma.
    Now it seems the Eagle is trapped while the Dragon rises slowly and laughs.

    I am surprised that the most frequent military book in all bookstores here in the US is Sun Tsu's "Art of Warfare", as obviously nobody reads that. Maybe people buy it just for their bookshelf because Michael Douglas mentioned the book once in "Wall Street"?
    At least the Chinese read and follow their doctrine: winning without fighting.
    They are smart, we are cavemen.

    BRUZ

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    Council Member SteveMetz's Avatar
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    Quote Originally Posted by tequila View Post
    Iraq: Go Deep or Get Out - Stephen Biddle, 11 July.
    Just for chuckles, grins and general jocularity, here's Herr Biddle and me at lovely Camp Bucca, April 2003.


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    Council Member tequila's Avatar
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    A lesson in Iraqi illusion - Robert Malley, Peter Harling from ICG in the Boston Globe, 8 July.

    TO IMAGINE what Baghdad will look like after the surge, there is no need to project far into the future. Instead, just turn to the recent past. Between September 2006 and March 2007, British forces conducted Operation Sinbad in Basra, Iraq's second largest city. At first, there were signs of progress: diminished violence, criminality, and overall chaos. But these turned out to be superficial and depressingly fleeting. Only a few months after the operation came to an end, old habits resurfaced. Today, political tensions once again are destabilizing the city; relentless attacks against British forces have driven them off the streets; and the southern city is under the control of militias, more powerful and less inhibited than before ...

    So, what happened? While British forces were struggling to suppress the violence, the parties and organizations operating on the public scene never felt the need to modify their behavio r. Militias were not defeated; they went underground or, more often, were absorbed into existing security forces. One resident after another told us they witnessed murders committed by individuals dressed in security force uniform. This, of course, with total impunity since the parties that infiltrate the security services also ensure that their own don't get punished.

    For militia members, it's an easy call: By joining the security forces, they get a salary, government-paid weapons, and political cover to boot. Security services are divided along partisan lines. Fadhila -- the governor's party -- controls the Oil Protection Force, responsible for safeguarding oil wells, refineries, and pipelines; the small Hizbollah party has a strong presence in the Customs Police Force; the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council dominates the intelligence service; and the Sadrists have penetrated the local police force ...

    In short, Operation Sinbad, at best, froze in place the existing situation and balance of power, creating an illusory stability that concealed a brutal and collective tug-of-war-in-waiting. Once the British version of the surge ebbed, the struggle reignited ...

    First, the answer to Iraq's horrific violence cannot be an illusory military surge that aims to bolster the existing political structure and treats the dominant political parties as partners.

    Second, violence is not solely the result of Al Qaeda-type terrorism or sectarian hostility, however costly both evidently are.

    Third, as Basra shows, violence has become a routine means of social interaction used by political actors doubling up as militiamen who seek to increase their share of power and resources. In other words, perpetuating the same political process with the same political actors will ensure that what is left of the Iraqi state gradually is torn apart. The most likely outcome will be the country's untidy break-up into fiefdoms, superficially held together by the presence of coalition forces. Washington and London should acknowledge that their so-called Iraqi partners, far from building a new state, are tirelessly working to tear it down.

    Iraq is in the midst of a civil war. But before and beyond that, Iraq has become a failed state -- a country whose institutions and, with them, any semblance of national cohesion, have been obliterated. That is what has made the violence -- all the violence: sectarian, anti coalition, political, criminal, and otherwise -- both possible and, for many, necessary. Resolving the confrontation between Sunni Arabs, Shi'ites, and Kurds is one priority. But rebuilding a functioning and legitimate state is another -- no less urgent, no less important, and no less daunting.

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    From the above report the following defines zero-sum politics based on sectarian and tribal forces:

    The new intelligence findings were contained in a 23-page Global Security Assessment presented to the House Armed Services Committee by Thomas Fingar, the chairman of the National Intelligence Council, the intelligence community's top analytical body.

    "The struggle among and within Iraqi communities over national identity and the distribution of power has eclipsed attacks by Iraqis against (U.S.-led) Coalition Forces as the greatest impediment to Iraq's future as a peaceful, democratic and unified state," said the report by the Office of the Director of National Intelligence.
    A former senior military official who advises the Pentagon said there is mounting concern that hard-line Sunni and Shiite leaders, believing their side can prevail over the other in an all-out conflict, do not intend to implement the benchmarks so they can hasten a U.S. troop withdrawal.

    "Both sides believe there is no point in having part of the pie if they can have the whole pie, and they are both convinced they can overwhelm their opponent," said the official, who requested anonymity to protect his relationship with the Pentagon.

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