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  1. #1
    Council Member davidbfpo's Avatar
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    Default The right force for the mission

    As a police officer I would expect to be properly equipped and given clear directions if being sent to a live, violent crime incident. Despatching a police unit to for example a riot without the right equipment is dangerous, if not foolhardy.

    I understand that most peacekeepers expect to keep the peace, using a variety of well-documented methods and that bloodshed is minimised. Sending a lightly-armed peacekeeping contingent to Chad would be dangerous for those involved. Peace enforcement is a different mission.

    I have little doubt that few national governments would allocate forces to Chad if it was high-risk and bloodshed likely. No-one wants to see a repeat of what happened in Rwanda.

    There are a small number of UN contributors who have been prepared to be robust and risk casualties.

    If anyone wants to volunteer their nation for the Chad mission step forward.

    davidbfpo

  2. #2
    Council Member Ron Humphrey's Avatar
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    Post Exactly

    Quote Originally Posted by davidbfpo View Post
    As a police officer I would expect to be properly equipped and given clear directions if being sent to a live, violent crime incident. Despatching a police unit to for example a riot without the right equipment is dangerous, if not foolhardy.

    I understand that most peacekeepers expect to keep the peace, using a variety of well-documented methods and that bloodshed is minimised. Sending a lightly-armed peacekeeping contingent to Chad would be dangerous for those involved. Peace enforcement is a different mission.

    I have little doubt that few national governments would allocate forces to Chad if it was high-risk and bloodshed likely. No-one wants to see a repeat of what happened in Rwanda.

    There are a small number of UN contributors who have been prepared to be robust and risk casualties.

    If anyone wants to volunteer their nation for the Chad mission step forward.

    davidbfpo
    I think its probably important that we remember how many other nations besides ours are also in the circumstance of their plates being full. The broad spectrum of operations which have been taking place through the last years have pushed many if not most beyond the limits of their capacity to keep up.

    This is most definitely a part of AQ and others "strategy" as several here have more than adequately shown. It cost very little in blood and treasure to create chaos and on the flipside heavy investment of such in order to address said chaos. It seems to be a fact that some situations may have to play themselves out to a certain point before being addressed by outside parties in other than advisory and other such capacities. Sad but unfortunately life.\

    This would seem to be one of the key supporting factors for preventative infrastructure support in such areas before they reach this point. Many a time once the cats out the bag theres little to do except wait for it to get tired before trying to catch it. Too bad considering how many lives are often lost due to that very thing.

    On that note what can be done in order to help facilitate less drastic effects from this.

  3. #3
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    Default

    USIP, 15 Dec 08: Toward Resolving Chad’s Interlocking Conflicts
    ....In October 2008, USIP and the International Peace Institute, in collaboration with Caring for Kaela, sponsored a multi-stakeholder consultation to address the political instability in Chad and its regional implications. The attendees included representatives from the Chadian diaspora, ambassadors from countries in the region, U.N. and EU representatives and experts from the non-governmental community and academia.

    This report summarizes the consultation’s main themes and recommendations. The first section addresses the security, political and humanitarian situation in Chad; examines the August 13 Political Agreement between the Chadian government and opposition parties and suggests ideas for the way forward. The second section focuses on the regional dynamics, including the tension between Chad and Sudan, the crisis in the Central African Republic (CAR) and progress on the implementation of the Dakar Agreement, a pan-African initiative. The third section examines the international response to the crisis in Chad, including the role of the EU and U.N. and critical international stakeholders such as France, the U.S., and China......

  4. #4
    Council Member M-A Lagrange's Avatar
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    Default Chad’s North West: The Next High-risk Area?

    I know, I am digging out an old threat on Chad. But with the events in the region, I thought it would be relevant:

    Chad’s North West: The Next High-risk Area?

    For more than five years, public attention relative to Chad has been focused on the armed rebellion in the east and the crisis in the Darfur region of neighbouring Sudan, while totally neglecting the country’s North West. However, there are serious risks that the rise of trans-Sahara drug trafficking and terrorism, emergence of radical Muslim movements in neighbouring countries, development of inter-communal violence, decline of local traditional justice systems and lack of state governance will destabilise that ignored region. The authorities in N’Djamena need to move to change the governance system there and defuse the multiple roots of potential conflict before a crisis explodes.
    Historically, the North West has played an ambivalent but pivotal role between the Arab-Islamic culture of North Africa and the sub-Saharan African cultures. Presently, its strategic position makes it increasingly the target of infiltration attempts by armed groups and criminal networks that take advantage of the no-man’s-land areas of the Sahara Desert to expand their activities. Islamic terrorist groups from Northern Nigeria (the Boko Haram sect) and al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) operating in the Sahel region are making their diffuse but real influence felt. Up to now, this dangerous neighbourhood has not produced instability, but greater vigilance is definitely needed.
    Since the end of the 1990s, the government has not been able to reconcile the communities, despite the improved regional security context following the progressive dismantling of the two main rebel groups operating in the region: the Movement for Democratisation and Development (Mouvement pour la démocratie et le développement, MDD), and the Movement for Democratisation and Justice in Chad (Mouvement pour la démocratie et la justice au Tchad, MDJT). The continuous decline of the local traditional justice systems and environmental degradation contribute to the precarious quality of the region’s stability.
    In such a context, inter-communal political manipulation is likely to awaken old resentments and aggravate local grievances. Moreover, N’Djamena neglects the North West, as shown by its reactions to the very predictable food crisis that began in 2009 and the flood that destroyed the city of Faya Largeau in July 2010. Instead of implementing a sustainable development policy, the authorities make empty promises and prolong the old colonial mode of governance, based on tight regional control via traditional leaders and security forces.
    Although major trouble is still unlikely in the short-term, there is already a high level of tension between pastoralists and farmers. The North West, which provided many fighters during Chad’s earlier civil wars, thus has the potential to become the country’s new hot spot. To prevent this, the government needs to promptly improve the way it runs the region, focus on the attempts by international criminal and terrorist networks to expand their influence and tackle inter-communal tensions by:
     setting up a regional development plan to improve governance in the North West and build social infrastructure and roads. This plan should be based on the demands of the local communities and include financial incentives for civil servants to work there, rational administrative coverage of the territory and appropriate rules for integrating traditional leaders into the new local governance system. N’Djamena must treat development and security as inter-linked issues, given that significant development programs could contribute to calming the situation in the region;
     updating and implementing local and national justice systems with respect to the role of traditional leaders and the relationship of natural resource issues to conflicts, especially those between pastoralists and farmers, which require reform of the land tenure system, a disarmament program and dispute resolution mechanisms run by neutral authorities;
     creating a regional police unit with adequate legal powers and logistical resources (communication equipment, cars, and helicopters) to monitor and secure the North West border. External partners of Chad like France and the U.S. should offer training and operational mentoring to the unit that will be under the authority of the interior ministry; and
     pursuing involvement in pan-Sahel and Sahara initiatives that seek to improve international cooperation and exchange of information on countering terrorism and drug trafficking and promoting joint operations with the neighbouring countries, especially Niger, Nigeria, and Libya.
    http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/region...risk-area.aspx

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