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Thread: Crimes, War Crimes and the War on Terror

  1. #481
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    Default Sumamry of oral arguments - SCOTUS

    "material support" for terrorist case, Humanitarian Law Project cases.

    Analysis: Anti-terrorism case not an easy one
    Humanitarian Law Project cases; Argument recap
    Lyle Denniston | Tuesday, February 23rd, 2010 11:33 am

    Analysis

    With a federal government lawyer pushing for a sweeping interpretation of the government’s most-used anti-terrorism law, the Supreme Court on Tuesday at times seemed tempted to conclude that, perhaps, the law may go too far. Although some of the Justices made it clear they were sympathetic to Congress’ attempts to stop aid to international terrorist groups, a somewhat surprising skepticism set in as the 62-minute argument in the Humanitarian Law Project cases unfolded. Near the end, Chief Justice John G. Roberts, Jr., suggested that the “material support” law may need another airing in lower courts, with that statute perhaps having to clear a higher constitutional hurdle — an option that could make it unnecessary for the Court to decide now what swing-vote Justice Anthony M. Kennedy called “a difficult” case. .... (much more at SCOTUSblog)
    I don't do tea leaf analysis based on oral arguments, but a fair bet is that the Supreme Court will not issue a unanimous opinion in a few months.

    Regards

    Mike

  2. #482
    Council Member davidbfpo's Avatar
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    Default Statement of principles - from "Down under"

    Hat tip to Leah Farrell's blog:http://allthingsct.wordpress.com and taken from Australia's new Counter-Terrorism White Paper: Securing Australia – Protecting our Community http://www.dpmc.gov.au/publications/...rism/index.cfm

    3.2.4 A lawful, proportionate and accountable response

    To be effective, Australia must pursue a principled and proportionate response that promotes and upholds the values we seek to protect. The Government does not support the use of torture or other unlawful methods in response to terrorism. Terrorism is a crime and the Government will pursue terrorists within proper legal frameworks and in accordance with the rule of law. A response based on our democratic values and universal human rights serves to undermine the narrative of terrorist groups that seek to portray our actions, and those of our allies, as oppressive. In recognition of the importance of our counter‑terrorism and security legislation, the Government has introduced legislation to establish an Independent National Security Legislation Monitor to regularly and independently review the operation of Australia’s counter‑terrorism laws.
    Leah's comment says:
    this makes me very proud of my country’s counter terrorism efforts.
    davidbfpo

  3. #483
    Council Member davidbfpo's Avatar
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    Default UK government's top lawyer says

    An unintended contrast from the UK, under the sub-title 'MI5 and MI6 will not be investigated over allegations they were complicit in the torture of terror suspects abroad, the Attorney General has decided' and a little more on the link:http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/ukne...re-claims.html
    davidbfpo

  4. #484
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    Default Judge criticises MI5: small storm reported

    The comments by one Appeal Court judge in the Binyam Mohammed case, regarding the role of the Security Service, popularly known as MI5, have been published and a "small storm" has ensued within Westminster-Whitehall.

    http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/ukne...udge-says.html

    Plushttp://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/8538410.stm

    From the BBC:
    British security services denied knowledge of any ill-treatment of US detainees. But in a key paragraph of his ruling, published on Friday, Lord Neuberger said: "In this case, that does not seem to have been true. Some security services officials appear to have a dubious record relating to actual involvement - and frankness about any such involvement - with the mistreatment of Mr Mohamed when he was held at the behest of US officials."
    davidbfpo

  5. #485
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    Default SCOTUS wipes its Gitmo blackboard clean

    The Court had scheduled oral arguments in the Kiyemba (Uighur) case for 23 Mar. In a brief order, analysed at Kiyemba back to lower court, the Court without dissent set aside the DC Circuit Court's decision (without holding whether that decision was right or wrong on the merits) and remanded for further hearings. Analysis by Lyle:

    Kiyemba back to lower court
    Lyle Denniston | Monday, March 1st, 2010 10:04 am

    UPDATE: The Kiyemba case discussed below had been scheduled for oral argument on March 23. The Court has now released a revised March oral argument calendar omitting that case.

    The Supreme Court on Monday ordered the D.C. Circuit Court to take a new look at the case testing federal judges’ powers to order Guantanamo Bay detainees released from custody — a case the Justices had granted and were to hear later this month. In a brief order, without noted dissent, the Court said the Circuit Court was to decide “what further proceedings in that court or in the District Court are necessary and appropriate for the full and final disposition of the case in light of…new developments.” The case is Kiyemba, et al., v. Obama, et al. (08-1234). The “new developments” are offers to resettle the seven Chinese Muslim Uighurs remaining at Guantanamo.

    The Justices’ action has two immediate effects:

    first, it wipes out the Circuit Court’s earlier ruling that federal judges have no power to order release into the U.S., even temporarily, because that is an immigration matter exclusively for the President and Congress, and,

    second, it means that the Justices will not have any final ruling this Term on detainee matters, putting the Court on the sidelines while the two other branches of government work out where to go next on policy involving capture and detention of individuals during the government’s “war on terror.”

    President Obama wants to close Guantanamo, but there are efforts in Congress to keep it open in order to assure that no detainee reaches the U.S. shores, even for further detention. There are also efforts on Capitol Hill to block any criminal trial in the U.S. of a Guantanamo prisoner, including those who have been charged with the 9/11 terrorist attacks.

    A third effect of Monday’s order very likely will be that the Court may not act this Term on a second Kiyemba case (same title, docket 09-581) that offered another opportunity to explore the courts’ authority to deal with Guantanamo captives’ fate. That case involves some of the same individuals who appealed in the case the Court agreed to hear in October. (The granted case is now informally known as “Kiyemba I.” The case in 09-581 is thus known as “Kiyemba II.”)

    Both cases were sequels to the Supreme Court’s ruling in Boumediene v. Bush in June 2008, establishing a constitutional right for Guantanamo prisoners to challenge their continued detention. The new appeals thus were attempts to test whether, in implementing Boumediene, federal judges had any authority to require the actual release of a detainee even in situations where the government no longer had any basis for confining them. The government no longer considers any of the Uighurs to be enemies of the U.S., but takes the position that their movement out of Guantanamo is solely within the diplomatic power of the U.S. government to arrange for their resettlement elsewhere. .... (more in article)
    So, whatever action we see on Gitmo in 2010 will not come from the Supreme Court. A number of DC habeas cases are on appeal in the DC Circuit.

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    Default

    Okay, Adam Ghadan will probably make his way into our hands shortly. What next?

    Article III? Tribunal?

    How long do we interrogate him and hold off on legal proceedings? Based on some of Bin Laden's statements which had a domestic tint, wouldn't be impossible that they were having some sort of long distance communication.

    More important a case for our security than KSM IMO, since KSM's been off the street for so long now. Also given that it seems like he's in Pakistani hands, I wonder if that was planned or not since they don't have to follow the Army Field Manual. Regardless, I'm sure he'll scream about his interrogation when he finally surfaces. An interesting week sure to follow.
    Last edited by Boondoggle; 03-07-2010 at 07:57 PM.

  7. #487
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    Default Hi Boon ....

    nice to see you out from the boonies.

    As it presently stands, Adam Gadahn is already under indictment for treason (US Dist. Ct., Central District of California), FBI Most Wanted Poster. So, that court would have first nibs if the goat herding boy is extradited.

    All that posits that he has been captured. The FBI hadn't confirmed it up to about an hour ago, FBI Says U.S. Hasn’t Confirmed Arrest of Adam Gadahn (Update2).

    Since no one (including the Obama administration) knows what the Obama administration will do with our present detainees, I don't suppose the Obama administration is that eager to take on another challenge in this area.

    Best

    Mike

    PS: NYT is already back-tracking on the story - different American:

    American and Pakistani officials said the man arrested was Abu Yahya Mujahdeen Al-Adam, who was described as having been born in Pennsylvania and who was thought to be affiliated with the operations division of Al Qaeda, commanding fighters in Afghanistan.

    Little else was known about him, American officials said, and it was not immediately clear that American officials were involved in the arrest.

    Initial reports seemed to have confused the American with Adam Gadahn, a California native who has been a spokesman for Al Qaeda and often appears on videos calling for strikes against targets in the United States.
    Last edited by jmm99; 03-08-2010 at 12:43 AM.

  8. #488
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    Default Small storm in UK "spins like a top"

    The "Did we know others used torture" question around Binyam Mohammed has always had a wider impact and earlier this week a former Director-General of the Security Service (often called MI5) made a comment: http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2010/ma...buller-torture

    This has led to a deconstruction of her speech, here is one example: http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2010/ma...gence-timeline

    The government has refrained from a direct response, probably hoping all will be lost in the steadily increasing pace of pre-General Election hype.
    davidbfpo

  9. #489
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    Default No quick action expected in

    pending US proceedings according to FP's weekly LWOT brief:

    Decision on 9/11 trials gets pushed down the road

    On March 5, the White House said there will be no decision in the coming weeks on whether to try the alleged 9/11 plotters in civilian or military court. The Wall Street Journal reports that President Barack Obama is leaning toward military commissions, seeming to indicate a diminishment in Attorney General Eric Holder's influence in the White House.

    Some national security experts (including former officials from George W. Bush's administration) came out in support of keeping both options open. And the top U.N. official for human rights urged the Obama administration to prosecute the purported 9/11 planners in civilian court. ....
    Since both SCOTUS (as reported in a prior post) and the WH have put matters on the shelf for the time being, what of Congress ?

    From FP:

    In the meantime, Democrats continue to negotiate with Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), who wants to exchange closing the Guantánamo Bay prison (a Democratic priority) for trying the alleged 9/11 plotters before military commissions (a Republican one). Still, it is unclear whether Graham has the GOP support to seal his end of the potential deal.

    The Washington Independent's Spencer Ackerman reports that Graham has also put forward a proposal allowing for the indefinite detention of terrorist suspects. Ackerman has a must-read on the differences between civilian and military courts on the handling of classified information. In short, there aren't any.
    Both of Ackerman's articles are worth discussion in this thread:

    Graham Moves Forward With Indefinite Detention Proposal
    By Spencer Ackerman 3/9/10 10:47 AM

    Two weeks ago, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC), in the midst of negotiations with the White House over trading a military tribunal for 9/11 conspirator Khalid Shaikh Mohammed for the closure of the Guantanamo Bay detention facility, floated a new proposal: “a new national security court” for terrorism detainees. Graham didn’t appear to press the point in interviews since. But his spokesman, Kevin Bishop, said Graham is busy drawing up a proposal for how such a system would work, and gave some detail about its scope. As it happens, this is less a national-security court than it is an indefinite detention system. “There has to be some type of statute– and he’s been clear on that — for indefinite detention,” Bishop said.

    Primarily, the system Graham is designing is set up for handling the Obama administration’s so-called “Fifth Category” of detainees that a Justice Department task force recommended against charging and releasing. “What do you do with them? What type of system do you have to hold them indefinitely?” Bishop said. “What type of system do you establish where we can ensure that we’re looking back at their cases; that we are holding them; we still determine that they are enemy combatants; they’re too dangerous to release; but we also aren’t going to try them in either a military or a civilian court. So there has to be a system for that, and that’s why Senator Graham is looking for a legal framework.” ...
    and also:

    ‘Urban Myth’ Behind Graham’s Support for 9/11 Military Trials
    Classified Information Is Handled the Same in Military and Civilian Venues
    By Spencer Ackerman 3/11/10 6:00 AM

    Lindsey Graham is on the verge of winning an argument. Graham, the Republican senator from South Carolina, has pledged for weeks to deliver the votes from his fellow Republicans to finally close the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay, a campaign pledge from President Obama, if and only if Obama agrees try Khalid Shaikh Mohammed and the other 9/11 conspirators in a military commission. On Friday, the White House said it was “weeks away” from any decision about whether to scrap a civilian trial for the man known as KSM — which could give Graham what he wants.

    There’s just one problem. Graham’s rationale for why KSM needs to be tried in a military commission and not a civilian court has to do with the procedures in the commissions for protecting classified information. But the revisions to the military commissions approved by Congress last year — with significant input from Graham himself — removed any significant difference between how classified information is handled in military and civilian venues. Accordingly, Chris Anders, a lobbyist for the American Civil Liberties Union, said Graham’s position was founded on “one big urban myth” — though whether that will affect Obama’s political calculation over the trial remains to be seen.
    Of course, if you have detention for the duration of the conflict (under a due process standard - not necessarily full Bill of Rights), the need for either civilian or military criminal prosecutions fades.

    Some things to consider while the UK indulges in "judicial anarchy":

    Judicial anarchy in the U.K.

    The former head of MI5, Eliza Manningham-Buller, told the British Parliament that until her retirement in 2007, the United States deliberately concealed information about harsh interrogations at Guantánamo Bay from the British government. She also said Britain did not know that the United States tortured detainees -- an assertion The Guardian and others refuted.
    - the quote is from FP LWOT - and not from JMM.

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    Default Detain 'em; don't try 'em

    An interesting proposal from the WP, The best trial option for KSM: Nothing.

    By Benjamin Wittes and Jack L. Goldsmith
    Friday, March 19, 2010; A23

    The Obama administration and its critics are locked in a standoff over whether to try Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and the other alleged Sept. 11 conspirators in a military commission or in federal court. Both sides are busily ignoring the obvious solution: Don't bother trying them at all.

    Mohammed has already spent more than seven years in military detention. Both the Obama administration and the Republicans who object to trying him in federal court accept the legitimacy of such detention as a traditional incident of war for those in the command structure of al-Qaeda, and perhaps for associated forces as well. In general outline, so do the courts. Given these facts, the politically draining fight about civilian vs. military trials is not worth the costs. It also distracts from more important questions in the legal war against terrorism. ... (more in article)
    Comments?

    Mike

  11. #491
    Council Member davidbfpo's Avatar
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    Default Don't bother trying them at all: comment

    JMM,

    In the GWOT and other parts of the campaign against AQ much has been made of their activity being criminal. This option, criminalisation, is a standard option in CT and COIN; yes, it is hard.

    Is there an expectation of due process for those detained? Not only within the USA, but within the Muslim community? As a Swiss diplomat commented recently
    'It is not what you say, it is what they understand'.
    We do seem to have been "hoisted by our own petard".

    Imagery aside, what are the substantive arguments over having a trial now for the 9/11 planners? My own preference would be for a civil court, using military tribunals - which I suspect would not be open - would be bad for imagery and impact beyond the court room.

    I wonder is there any polling on the issues, outside the USA?

    So much of post-9/11 effort has been 'intelligence-led' and not 'prosecution-led'. How big a penalty have we paid for this?
    davidbfpo

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    Default Well he's leaving out the bigger picture of...

    Quote Originally Posted by jmm99 View Post
    An interesting proposal from the WP, The best trial option for KSM: Nothing.



    Comments?

    Mike
    Weeding out those who get picked up in the future, and an overzealous US government uses this as precedent to hold those either no longer party to a conflict or dangerous to our national security, or who somehow made it this far in the system but were never the threat they were alleged to be. Using future hypotheticals to deny the use of pragmatic and even necessary action to fight current conflicts has always struck me as bad practice... or as an opportunity for lawyers to "prove their worth" but in this case there has to be some sort of check and balance that allows at least some outside the system review. Maybe that doesn't require any sort of trial, but because of the stakes at hand, potential detention for life without access to the US court system, there needs to be something. Maybe that doesn't require resort to a trial, but there needs to be something.

    As to David, I'd disagree, I'd much rather be "intel" led than "prosecution" led. As I had the opportunity to speak a bit with Mr. Wittes a few weeks ago, we can't turn back the clock. But what we can do is roll them up from doing bad stuff again and stop further attacks. IMO, that is more important in the long run to our national security than "accountability", "judgment" or "punishment". To the extent that intel and prosecutorial interests clash, I for one would favor intel for those reasons.
    Last edited by Boondoggle; 03-22-2010 at 01:26 PM.

  13. #493
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    Default Is the person a security risk ?

    While both "intelligence-led" and "prosecution-led" are valid factors in considering the value of detention, my own preference for the leading factor is "security led". Quite simply: are we more secure if the person is detained rather than allowing him to be roaming about ?

    This recently-breaking habeas decision involving detainee Mohamedou Ould Slahi (Wiki) - reported in the WSJ (also on Fox and other outlets) should blow the lid off the entire detention process and require a re-assessment of why we detain and how we detain.

    From today's WSJ (via Fox):

    Judge Orders Release of Gitmo Detainee With Ties to 9/11 Attacks
    Monday, March 22, 2010

    WASHINGTON — A suspected Al Qaeda organizer once called "the highest value detainee" at Guantanamo Bay was ordered released by a federal judge in an order issued Monday.

    Mohamedou Ould Slahi was accused in the 9/11 Commission report of helping recruit Mohammed Atta and other members of the Al Qaeda cell in Hamburg, Germany, that took part in the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.

    Military prosecutors suspected Slahi of links to other Al Qaeda operations, and considered seeking the death penalty against him while preparing possible charges in 2003 and 2004.

    U.S. District Judge James Robertson granted Slahi's petition for habeas corpus, effectively finding the government lacked legal grounds to hold him. The order was classified, although the court said it planned to release a redacted public version in the coming weeks.

    Robertson held four days of closed hearings in the Slahi case last year.
    The habeas decision apparently accorded with an earlier decision concerning military commission trial of Slahi:

    Brig. Gen. John Furlow, who helped lead a Pentagon-ordered investigation into detainee abuse at Guantanamo Bay, has testified that Slahi was "the highest value detainee" at the offshore prison and "the key orchestrator of the Al Qaeda cell in Europe."

    Plans to try him by military commission were derailed after prosecutors learned that Slahi had been subjected to a "special interrogation plan" involving weeks of physical and mental torment, including a death threat and a threat to bring Slahi's mother to Guantanamo Bay where she could be gang-raped, officials said.

    Although the treatment apparently induced Slahi's compliance, the military prosecutor, Marine Lt. Col. V. Stuart Couch, determined that it constituted torture and evidence it produced could not lawfully be used against Mr. Slahi.
    Full analysis of this case will have to await publication of the redacted classified opinion.

  14. #494
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    Default Slahi Phase 2 - Informant

    The Wash Post has an update on Slahi (post above), which suggests there is a lot more to this story - Slahi and another AQ member, Tariq al-Sawah, are among the most informing of the Gitmo detainees.

    From the WP, For two detainees who told what they knew, Guantanamo becomes a gilded cage:

    By Peter Finn
    Washington Post Staff Writer
    Wednesday, March 24, 2010; 10:59 PM

    By the time Tariq al-Sawah, a veteran of the wars in Bosnia and Afghanistan, reached Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, in May 2002, there was no fight left in him. Injured by a cluster bomb in the mountains of Afghanistan, the middle-aged Egyptian was still recovering from wounds to his hands, back, thighs and buttocks when the Americans grabbed him.

    Three months later, Mohamedou Ould Slahi, who had moved in radical circles in Germany, turned up at the U.S. military prison. There, a masked interrogator threatened the Mauritanian with death while others deprived him of sleep and bombarded him with sound and light, pushing him to the brink of a mental breakdown.

    When it came to their initial treatment at Guantanamo, Sawah and Slahi had little in common, according to military officials. Their paths would intersect only later, when they both made the same choice: to cooperate with the United States.

    Sawah, now 52, and Slahi, now 39, have become two of the most significant informants ever to be held at Guantanamo. Today, they are housed in a little fenced-in compound at the military prison, where they live a life of relative privilege -- gardening, writing and painting -- separated from other detainees in a cocoon designed to reward and protect.

    But as the Obama administration attempts to close the prison, Sawah and Slahi are trapped in a gilded cage. Their old jihadi comrades want them dead, revenge for the apostasy, now well known, of working with the United States. The U.S. government has rewarded them for their cooperation but has refused to countenance their release.

    Some military officials believe the United States should let them go -- and put them into a witness protection program, in conjunction with allies, in a bid to cultivate more informants. (much more in article)
    If half of what the WP says is true, these two are security risks to AQ.

    Regards

    Mike

    PS: Two articles re: what appears to be initiation of a serious proposal from some legislators to the White House, looking at a comprehensive schema for handling detainees in the future - WP,
    Graham proposes framework for handling terrorism suspects; and William Fisher, Lindsey Graham’s Grand Bargain.

    Boondoggle's Mr. Wittes appears in both articles.
    Last edited by jmm99; 03-25-2010 at 05:24 PM. Reason: add PS and links

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    Default Surprise

    Obama Team Is Divided on Anti-Terror Tactics (NYT):

    Legal Memo
    Obama Team Is Divided on Anti-Terror Tactics
    By CHARLIE SAVAGE
    Published: March 28, 2010

    WASHINGTON — Senior lawyers in the Obama administration are deeply divided over some of the counterterrorism powers they inherited from former President George W. Bush, according to interviews and a review of legal briefs.

    The rift has been most pronounced between top lawyers in the State Department and the Pentagon, though it has also involved conflicts among career Justice Department lawyers and political appointees throughout the national security agencies.

    The discussions, which shaped classified court briefs filed this month, have centered on how broadly to define the types of terrorism suspects who may be detained without trials as wartime prisoners. The outcome of the yearlong debate could reverberate through national security policies, ranging from the number of people the United States ultimately detains to decisions about who may be lawfully selected for killing using drones.

    “Beyond the technical legal issues, this debate is about the fundamental question of whom we are at war with,” said Noah Feldman, a Harvard law professor who specializes in war-power issues. “The two problems most plaguing Obama in the war on terrorism are trials for terrorists and taking the fight beyond Afghanistan to places like Pakistan and Yemen. This issue of whom we are at war with defines both of them.”
    ....
    The arguments over the case forced onto the table discussion of lingering discontent at the State Department over one aspect of the Obama position on detention. There was broad agreement that the law of armed conflict allowed the United States to detain as wartime prisoners anyone who was actually a part of Al Qaeda, as well as nonmembers who took positions alongside the enemy force and helped it. But some criticized the notion that the United States could also consider mere supporters, arrested far away, to be just as detainable without trial as enemy fighters.

    That view was amplified after Harold Koh, a former human-rights official and Yale Law School dean who had been a leading critic of the Bush administration’s detainee policies, became the State Department’s top lawyer in late June. Mr. Koh produced a lengthy, secret memo contending that there was no support in the laws of war for the United States’ position in the Bensayah case [*; see PS].

    Mr. Koh found himself in immediate conflict with the Pentagon’s top lawyer, Jeh C. Johnson, a former Air Force general counsel and trial lawyer who had been an adviser to Mr. Obama during the presidential campaign. Mr. Johnson produced his own secret memorandum arguing for a more flexible interpretation of who could be detained under the laws of war — now or in the future.

    In September 2009, national-security officials from across the government packed into the Office of Legal Counsel’s conference room on the fifth floor of the Justice Department, lining the walls, to watch Mr. Koh and Mr. Johnson debate around a long table. It was up to Mr. Barron, who sat at the head of the table, to decide who was right.

    But he did not. Instead, days later, he circulated a preliminary draft memorandum stating that while the Office of Legal Counsel had found no precedents justifying the detention of mere supporters of Al Qaeda who were picked up far away from enemy forces, it was not prepared to state any definitive conclusion. ..... (much more in NYT article)
    And so it apparently will go - no definititive conclusion defining and distinguishing the enemy we are to confront.

    PS: Wiki for Belkacem Bensayah.
    Last edited by jmm99; 03-29-2010 at 05:57 PM. Reason: add PS and link

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    Default DC Habeas Cases - Update

    Since the Dec 2009 Update (focused on the Farhi Saeed Bin Mohammed case), only 4 merits decisions have been entered to date.

    Saeed Mohammed Saleh Hatim (Judge Ricardo Urbina) - granting his habeas petition based on the following reasoning:

    The government's allegations rest almost entirely upon admissions made by the petitioner himself - admissions that the petitioner contends he made only because he had previously been tortured while in U.S. custody. Significantly, the government does not contest the petitioner's claims of torture; rather, it argues that the court should credit the petitioner's statements notwithstanding those claims. The government's justification for detention also rests heavily on a third-party identification by a GTMO detainee whose reliability has been seriously called into question by the court as well as by GTMO intelligence officers.

    Upon consideration of the record, the parties' extensive submissions and the arguments presented during the merits hearing, the court concludes that the government has failed to persuade the court that the petitioner's detention is lawful. Accordingly, the court grants the petition for writ of habeas corpus.
    Here, the uncontested torture claims had definite impact.

    Musa'ab Omar Al Madhwani (Judge Thomas F. Hogan) - denying habeas, although questioning whether Madhwani was a current secuirty threat:

    It also is telling that al-Qaida considered Petitioner to be a member. AI-Qaida admitted him to their training camp and trained him to use firearms. AI-Qaida allowed him to be in the presence of bin Laden, twice. AI-Qaida assigned him to the charge of two al-Qaida instructors when the training camp closed. AI-Qaida fed, sheltered, and protected him. AI-Qaida sent him to live in an apartment in Karachi frequented by al-Qaida members. The only logical explanation as to why al-Qaida did all of this for Petitioner is that they considered him a member. Petitioner must have taken some affirmative action to earn that trust and assistance from such a clandestine organization. Accordingly, the Government has proved by a preponderance of the evidence that Petitioner was "part of' al-Qaida.

    Though there is sufficient evidence in the record to prove Petitioner was a "part of' al-Qaida, the Court is not convinced that it is more likely than not that Petitioner is a threat to the security of the United States. As a young, unemployed, undereducated Yemeni, Petitioner was particularly vulnerable to the demagoguery of religious fanatics. The record reflects that Petitioner was, at best, a low-level al-Qaida figure. It does not appear he even finished his weapons training. There is no evidence that he fired a weapon in battle or was on the front lines. There is also no evidence that he planned, participated in, or knew of any terrorist plots. Classified documents in the record confirm the Court's assessment. As does the fact that he appears to have been a model prisoner during his seven years of detention. The Court fails to see how, based on the record, Petitioner poses any greater threat than the dozens of detainees who recently have been transferred or cleared for transfer.
    Since a number of those transferred have been "vulnerable to the demagoguery of religious fanatics" (or have been such demogogues) after transfer, being a model prisoner is not a sure indication of a lack of a security risk if released.

    Suleiman Awadh Bin Agil Al-Nahdi (Judge Gladys Kessler) - denying habeas to a detainee captured at Tora Bora:

    To summarize, the Government has met its burden to demonstrate by a preponderance of the evidence that Petitioner heard a fatwa that called on him to fight alongside the Taliban, that he subsequently traveled -- at no cost to himself and while staying at al-Qaida-associated guesthouses ~ -to Afghanistan, that he watched a jihadist video at one such guesthouse, that he received military training at al-Qaida's Al Farouq camp, that he left Al Farouq after a few weeks under orders from al-Qaida leadership, that he traveled to Tora Bora and assumed a role guarding a rear-echelon position at Camp Thabit, again subject to the command of al-Qaida leadership, and that, after leaving Tora Bora, he was injured by Coalition bombs and captured.
    Fahmi Salem Al-Assani (Judge Gladys Kessler) - denying habeas to another detainee captured at Tora Bora:

    To summarize, the Government has met its burden of demonstrating that Petitioner was recruited by al-Qaida members in Yemen, that he subsequently traveled -- at no cost to himself, and through al-Qaida-associated guesthouses -- to Afghanistan, that he received military training at al-Qaida's Al Farouq camp, that while at the camp he became aware of its connection to al-Qaida and Usama Bin Laden but did not dissociate himself from camp commanders or al-Qaida, that he left Al Farouq and received further training tram Al Farouq leaders, that he traveled to Tora Bora under the command of [name redacted] and [name redacted] that he obeyed orders intended to organize his group into distinct units, and that, after leaving Tora Bora under [name redacted] command, he was injured by Coalition bombs and captured.
    These two cases are the first cases (if my scorecard has been kept correctly) where Judge Kessler has denied habeas.

    Regards

    Mike

  17. #497
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    Default Slahi opinion released for publication

    Judge Robinson's opinion in the Mohamedou Ould Slahi case has been released (see also, posts ## 493 & 494 above).

    The Washington Post briefly covered the opinion in a short article today, Federal judge orders release of Guantanamo Bay detainee. A much longer backgrounder from the 24 Mar WP is here, For two detainees who told what they knew, Guantanamo becomes a gilded cage.

    The bottom line for Judge Robinson was:

    The government had to adduce evidence -which is different from intelligence -showing that it was more likely than not that Salahi was "part of" al-Qaida. To do so, it had to show that the support Salahi undoubtedly did provide from time to time was provided within al-Qaida's command structure. The government has not done so. The government has shown that Salahi was an al-Qaida sympathizer -perhaps a "fellow traveler"; that he was in touch with al-Qaida members; and that from time to time, before his capture, he provided sporadic support to members of al-Qaida.

    The government's problem is that its proof that Salahi gave material support to terrorists is so attenuated, or so tainted by coercion and mistreatment, or so classified, that it cannot support a successful criminal prosecution. Nevertheless, the government wants to hold Salahi indefinitely, because of its concern that he might renew his oath to al-Qaida and become a terrorist upon his release. That concern may indeed be well-founded. Salahi fought with al-Qaida in Afghanistan (twenty years ago), associated with at least a half-dozen known al-Qaida members and terrorists, and somehow found and lived among or with al-Qaida cell members in Montreal. But a habeas court may not permit a man to be held indefinitely upon suspicion, or because of the government's prediction that he may do unlawful acts in the future -any more than a habeas court may rely upon its prediction that a man will not be dangerous in the future and order his release if he was lawfully detained in the first place. The question, upon which the government had the burden of proof, was whether, at the time of his capture, Salahi was a "part of" al-Qaida. On the record before me, I cannot find that he was.
    The DC judges have been extremely reluctant to rule against persons who were loosely bound AQ infrastructure cadres - offering recruiting and financial aid ("material support"), but not being directly involved in AQ hostilities.

    SCOTUS will decide a material support case this term, although Justice Roberts suggested that that case may be remanded (see post # 481).

  18. #498
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    Default No special classification for AQ-Taliban "medics"

    In Civil Action No. 2009-2368, Chief Judge Royce C. Lamberth denied habeas to Mukhtar Yahia Naji al Warafi, who claimed that:

    ... his detention is not lawful under the AUMF because he never joined the Taliban. Rather, he claims that he went to Afghanistan for the sole purpose of working as an assistant at a medical clinic. In the alternative, petitioner asserts as an affinnative defense that, even ifhe were a part of the Taliban, his detention is not lawful because he was exclusively engaged in providing medical services to the Taliban, and thus qualifies as nondetainable medical personnel under Article 24 ofthe First Geneva Convention.
    As to the primary issue (whether a part of the Taliban), the Court found for the government's position:

    B. The Reliable Evidence Shows That Petitioner More Likely Than Not Was "Part of' the Taliban

    Respondents contend that petitioner was more likely than not part of the Taliban because: (1) petitioner traveled to Afghanistan to fight with the Taliban against the Northern Alliance after reading two fatwas in support of the Taliban; (2) petitioner was stationed on the Khoja Khar front line and received weapons training there; (3) petitioner volunteered to serve as a medical assistant on an as needed basis and provided medical treatment to wounded Taliban fighters; and (4) petitioner traveled to Mazar-e-Sharif on his commander's orders to surrender to the Northern Alliance. Based on the reliable evidence in the record, the Court agrees with respondents and finds that petitioner more likely than not was part of the Taliban.
    That brought the Court to the secondary issue - application (if any) of Art. 24, 1949 GC I. That was decided by the Court without extended discussion of the underlying GC issues:

    C. Petitioner May Not Invoke tbe First Geneva Convention As a Source of Private Rights in a Habeas Corpus Proceeding

    Petitioner argues in the alternative that even if he were a part of the Taliban, he is not detainable because he qualifies as non-detainable medical personnel under the First Geneva Convention. See Article 24, Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forced in the Field (hereinafter "First Geneva Convention") (providing that medical personnel "exclusively engaged in ... treatment of the wounded or sick, or in the prevention of disease" are not detainable, except as necessary to treat other prisoners).

    Petitioner's argument fails. "No person may invoke the Geneva Conventions ... in any habeas corpus proceeding ... as a source of rights in any court of the United States." See 28 U.S.C. § 2241 (Note). [3] Thus, the Court may only look to "the text of the relevant statutes and controlling domestic caselaw" to determine whether petitioner's detention is lawful. Al-Bihani, 590 F.3d at 871-72. Those sources provide that an individual may be lawfully detained if he were part of, or substantially supported, the Taliban, al Qaeda, or associated forces. See id. at 871-874 (analyzing the relevant statutory text and caselaw to determine the President's detention authority).

    [3] This provision was enacted as Section 5 of the Military Commissions Act, Pub. L. No. 109-366, § 5, 120 Stat. 2600, 2631 (Oct. 17,2006). In Boumediene v. Bush, the Supreme Court declared Section 7 of the Military Commissions Act, 28 U.S.C. § 2241(e), unconstitutional because it "effects an unconstitutional suspension of the writ [of habeas corpus.]" 553 U.S. 723, 128 S. Ct. 2229, 2274 (2008). The Court left the remaining provisions of the act intact. [d. at 2275-76. Thus, Section 5 of the Military Commissions Act remains constitutional and does not effect a suspension of the writ of habeas corpus.
    The opinion does not get into the question of whether the Taliban was and is subject to any of the 1949 GCs, except for Common Article 3 (which has been used by the Federal courts in the habeas cases despite the prohibition of Sec 5 of the MCA).

  19. #499
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    Default Alleged UBL bodyguard granted habeas

    In Civil Action No. 2004-1254, Judge Henry H. Kennedy (Wiki and official bio) granted Uthman Abdul Rahim Mohammed Uthman habeas. The judge was certainly influenced by uncontested allegations of torture with respect to the two other detainees who ID'd Uthman as a close UBL associate operating under alias.

    The basis for the Court's decision was as follows:

    At the Court's request, the parties identified five contested issues of fact before the merits hearing commenced and structured their presentations to address each issue in tum during that hearing. This opinion similarly addresses each issue in tum, and it then considers the reliable evidence as a whole to explain the Court's conclusion that respondents have failed to demonstrate by a preponderance of the evidence that Uthman was part of Al Qaeda.

    A. Issue One: Whether Uthman Served as a Bodyguard For or Was Part of the Security Detail of Usama Bin Laden

    Respondents' primary argument in this case is that Uthman acted as a bodyguard for Usama bin Laden. The evidence they present in support of this contention fails to convince the Court that it is more likely than not that Uthman was a bodyguard.
    .....
    B. Issue Two: Whether Uthman's Seizure Near the Site of the Battle of Tora Bora is Incriminatory
    .....
    On balance, the Court accepts respondents' [USG's] evidence, which is largely based on and consistent with Uthman's own admissions, as true and will consider it in evaluating whether the evidence as a whole supports the continued detention of Uthman.

    C. Issue Three: Whether Uthman Fought on the Front Lines and was Present at an Al Qaeda/Taliban Guesthouse in Kabul, Afghanistan
    ....
    The Court agrees with Uthman as to most of this evidence. As explained above, the Court cannot appropriately rely on the information of which Kazimi is the source, primarily because Kazimi's statements are not sufficiently attenuated from torture, of which there are unrebutted allegations in the record, by other interrogators. The other detainee's reference to "Yasser ai-Madani" calls into serious question his identification of Uthman. Even assuming at respondents' suggestion that "ai-Madani" is an erroneous transcription of "al-Adani," respondents have identified no indication anywhere in the record that Uthman used "Yasser" as an alias. Because there is so little reason to believe Uthman was a fighter in Kabul, the Court will not conclude it is more likely than not that this allegation is true.

    D. Issue Four: Whether Uthman Attended an Al Qaeda Training Camp and Was Present at an Al Qaeda Guesthouse in Kandahar, Afghanistan
    .....
    The Court concludes that this evidence, although not necessarily unreliable, is not persuasive as to the contention respondents seek to support. As discussed above, there is no reliable evidence linking Uthman to the name Hudaifa. Therefore, the appearance of that name on the training list, especially without corroboration from any other source that Uthman might have been at a training camp, does not make it more likely than not that Uthman attended the tactics course. That Abu Hudaifa was an alias for other men, whether or not the particular men identified were likely to have attended this particular training, further weakens the proposition that the list itself can support respondents' allegation.
    .....
    The allegation that Uthman was an amir at an Al Qaeda guesthouse is not as easily dismissed as the training camp allegation. Because Belmar's statement is not a definitive identification, it is not strong evidence of Uthman's presence at such a guesthouse. But it is not so unreliable that the Court disregards it entirely.

    E. Issue Five: Whether Uthman's Prior Associations, Travel Route to Afghanistan, and Other Circumstances Further Support that He Was Part of Al Qaeda.

    Respondents present a variety of additional evidence and arguments to support their case, and Uthman responds to each point. For example, Uthman argues that giving weight to the undisputed fact that he might have known some men who became involved in terrorism constitutes inappropriately permitting respondents to prove guilt by association.
    ....
    G. Conclusion

    In sum, the Court gives credence to evidence that Uthman (1) studied at a school at which other men were recruited to fight for Al Qaeda; (2) received money for his trip to Afghanistan from an individual who supported jihad; (3) traveled to Afghanistan along a route also taken by Al Qaeda recruits; (4) was seen at two Al Qaeda guesthouses in Afghanistan; and (5) was with Al Qaeda members in the vicinity of Tora Bora after the battle that occurred there.

    Even taken together, these facts do not convince the Court by a preponderance of the evidence that Uthman received and executed orders from Al Qaeda. Although this information is consistent with the proposition that Uthman was a part of Al Qaeda, it is not proof of that allegation. As explained, the record does not contain reliable evidence that Uthman was a bodyguard for Usama bin Laden or fought for Al Qaeda. Certainly none of the facts respondents have demonstrated are true are direct evidence of fighting or otherwise "receiv[ing] and execut[ing] orders," Gherebi, 609 F. Supp. 2d at 69,17 and they also do not, even together, paint an incriminating enough picture to demonstrate that the inferences respondents ask the Court to make are more likely accurate than not. Associations with Al Qaeda members, or institutions to which Al Qaeda members have connections, are not alone enough to demonstrate that, more likely than not, Uthman was part of Al Qaeda. See Ahmedv. Obama, 613 F. Supp. 2d 51, 63-64 (D.D.C. 2009) (granting the habeas petition of a Guantanamo Bay detainee where the evidence that remained after excluding unreliable evidence amounted to "essentially a charge of guilt by association").

    Respondents have presented some evidence that, at first blush, is quite incriminating of Uthman and supportive of the position that he is lawfully detained. Upon close examination of that evidence, however, the Court tinds that there is reason not to credit some of it at all and reason to conclude that what remains is not nearly as probative of respondents' position as they assert. Therefore, the evidence against Uthman is not sufficient to carry respondents' burden.
    It is interesting that the judge used the word "incriminating" twice in his final two paragraphs. The "law enforcement" approach to GWOT detainees dies hard.

    Another judge may well have gone the other way given the evidence presented.
    Last edited by jmm99; 04-21-2010 at 06:50 PM.

  20. #500
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    Default

    Something a bit off the current topics, but a good read and an example of the unforseen issues that arise when any case is adjudicated before a court.

    http://www.jag.navy.mil/courts/opinion_archive.htm

    http://www.marinecorpstimes.com/news...chins_042210w/

    USMC JA detailed as defense counsel failed to properly withdraw from his representation. Result: back to square one completely. I've only read it very quickly this morning but while it did somewhat surprise me at the court's exceptionally stern attitude to the withdrawal I was really surprised at how the court laid the failure of the captain to properly withdraw straight at the feet of the government.

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