CNAS on the NSP: Echos of El Sal

[Mike in Hilo]

In basic agreement with you, John... Concur on Herrington, who lived in Hau Nghia while I was on the CORDS team in adjacent Tay Ninh Province. Now, the decree you are thinking of was issued in Sept 1972 and called for appointment of hamlet chiefs by Distict Security Committes (essentially, by District Chief cum Subsector Commander, unquestionably in consultation with and approved by Province Chief). Province Chief was a colonel's slot, and always appointed. District was essentially a military command (subsector), as GVN civil service departments were not represented at district level. District Chief was an LTC or major's slot. The most important level of local administration was the village (hamlet is subordinate). Village council members continued to be elected.
From my observation at the time, I believe events did not bear out that the decree constituted a watershed in people's attitude toward the GVN. I say this because of (1) a deep cynicism on the part of the Vietnamese people toward democracy....echoed, I believe, in Moyar (quoting Rand studies?). As an aside, a common belief among the South Vietnamese was that election day was an unwanted tribulation visited upon the people--because that was when people would predictably get blown up in VC "atentados."...;
(2) The decree dwarfed in relevance compared to greater outrages, viz.: Virtually every rural family had members in RF or PF. By 1973, and much more so in 1974, commanders were pocketing sizeable portions of these poor troops' pay. By 1974, certainly, officers saw themselves in a race against time to amass nest eggs to tide them over while building a new life in France or the US after the anticipated fall (source: my conversations with ARVN colonels mid 1974)
(3) A tactical, military problem that compelled cooperation with the enemy-- hearts and minds antipathy to the NLF, as in Catholic communities, notwithstanding. Elections or their absence would have made no difference. The country remained a mosaic of "leopard spots." There were enemy base areas and mini-bases. A hamlet's security status could not be judged in isolation to its geographic environment. Every community had some security forces--RF/PF and from 1972, National Police. But their capacity to protect the villagers, even where there was a minimal VCI presence, was negated when a robust enemy unit was based in close proximity outside the population--which was far from uncommon. By 1971, when I arrived, the rapid US military withdrawal (courtesy SecDef Laird, I believe, not Congress) had, in MR-III, left a serious vacuum which ARVN could not fill, and NVA rapidly exploited.
(4) Excessive (by Vietnamese standards) corruption government wide did not inspire confidence. My opinion: a modicum of sound governance would have been sufficient to elicit loyalty. but this would not have negated problem (3)above.
(5) The VC political message through my tenure in RVN was Peace for the War-Weary.."We will never leave and never quit...If you want peace, help us win quickly and peace will come that much sooner." But the medium was the real message. The enemy were held in awe for fighting for principle (and it mattered less what the principle was, IMO) as opposed to fighting for money. Annecdote: One of our Tay Ninh FSNs who had been an interrogator related having asked a captured VC how much his pay was. He relates that when the VC replied that he received no pay, "I knew we would lose the war." His sentiment was not unique. The GVN, of course had no electrifying message, but the view of virtuous communist asceticism could at least have been given a run for the money had there been some honest GVN efforts toward probity.

Nevertheless, my point, I guess: I find it telling that despite real, deep fatigue, "political" shortcomings and weaknesses among which the above are only a few, the prospect of reunification and life under communism was so unattractive that, frankly to my surprise, the country held together until the 1975 offensive--And in a cratering economy, the literally shortchanged troops continued to fight and die in shocking numbers. Yes, they were severely tested militarily time and again 1973-74 --see inter alia, Col. LeGro, Sorely...Plus, I believe we can also attribute this cohesion to a deep, traditional, culturally-mandated obedience.

Sorry for a meandering and somewhat convoluted, hurriedly written posting, but you can probably get the drift.....

Cheers,
Mike.