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  1. #1
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    Default Part II of answer to Niel's question - intro

    I should have added, in the prior post, that MAJ Farrell's and COL Parks' articles are both confined to armed conflicts of an international character (between states, as in the initial stage of OIF; or in an occupied state, as in the initial stage of OEF - where the US was not the occupier !).

    They do not, as such, deal with the proper dress standard in armed conflicts of a non-international character. COL Parks, however, makes his bottom-line very clear as to both non-state actors and terrorists (pp.50-51):

    Discussion of the issue raises an appearance of a double standard in considering Taliban militia/al Qaeda (in Afghanistan) or Saddam Fedayeen (in Iraq) wear of civilian clothing while justifying SOF wear of Western civilian attire or indigenous attire. A “double standard” exists within the law of war for regular forces of a recognized government vis-à-vis unauthorized combatant acts by private individuals or non-state actors. The issue was complicated by the unique nature of operations in Afghanistan, that is, counter-terrorist operations against non-state actors in a failed state, and the increased role of NGOs in a non-linear combat environment.
    .....
    The law of war requires military units and personnel to distinguish themselves from the civilian population in international armed conflict. [130]

    [130] Stating the obvious, special operations missions outside international armed conflict, such as counterterrorism, are not subject to these legal obligations.
    Both articles (and the Drone article linked at the end of this post) were written in 2003-2004. They did not have the advantage of seeing the development of Common Article 3 law from Hamdan in 2006 through the present series of detainee cases.

    ----------------------------------------
    If MAJ Farrell's article is arithmetic, COL Parks' article is calculus, reflecting his greater experience with the subject matter (see pp.1-3); e.g., the following:

    At the US Special Operations Command (“USSOCOM”) annual Legal Conference, May 13–17, 2002, the judge advocate debate became intense. While some attendees raised questions of “illegality” and the right or obligation of special operations forces to refuse an “illegal order” to wear “civilian clothing,” others urged caution. [3] The discussion was unclassified, and many in the room were not privy to information regarding Operation ENDURING FREEDOM Special Forces, its special mission units, or the missions assigned them.

    [3] In the debate that ensued over the next year, it was my observation that those most strident in their criticism were most distant from Special Forces ground operations or were judge advocates not serving with or familiar with the missions of Special Forces units.
    Parks presents a framework for considering the legality of an operation using civilian clothing or non-standard uniforms (the article includes as much operational history as law; pagination is from .pdf file):

    I. What are the facts?
    (pp.4-12; pp.4-6 cover combat facts; the balance concerns the CA-NGO problem)

    II. What are the legal issues?
    (p.13, the three below)

    A. Is it lawful for combatants to wear civilian clothing or nonstandard uniforms in combat?

    B. If so, are there legal or other considerations in use of either?

    C. Are there any unique law of war considerations, such as risks, a commander should balance in making his decision?

    III. What is the nature of the armed conflict and its armed participants?
    (pp.13-16, considering these two facets)

    A. Was there something unique about Operation ENDURING FREEDOM with respect to application of the law of war?

    B. If so, how would application of the law of war differ?

    IV. What is the relevant law of war?
    (pp.16-22, general discussion GCs & 1977AP)

    A. What is the applicable treaty law and legislative history?
    (pp.23-32, military wear of uniforms, with emphasis on rises vs perfidy).

    B. What is state practice, including court decisions?
    (pp.32-47, historical survey of pre-GC irregular operations by regular forces)
    Part IVB is supplemented by the Appendix (pp.53-68) tabulating a number of operations (in international conflicts) involving non-standard uniforms or civilian clothing from 1904-1991.

    The 16-17 Oct 1944 Ranger infiltration and direct action operation into Aachen, wearing Wehrmacht uniforms, during the Siegfried Breakthrough is about as close to the line as you would want - story in Charles Whiting, Bloody Aachen, pp.143-146, cited by Parks.

    The operations are referenced to sources; Parks' article is a good bibliography.

    ---------------------------------------
    See also, Major Robert J. Drone, USAF, Nontraditional Uniforms Do Accord Prisoner of War Status for Special Operations Forces (2003), to be found here.
    Last edited by jmm99; 05-17-2009 at 03:25 AM.

  2. #2
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    Default Part II of answer to Niel's question - conclusion

    COL Parks' conclusion (applicable to international conflicts - his opinion of near "no-holds barred" in non-state actor or terrorist conflicts is expressed above in the intro) is generally permissive to pseudo-irregular operations (pp.47-51; footnotes omitted - they are interesting):

    The preceding comments are offered to show that the wearing of civilian attire by partisans or military personnel in Special Forces units or in the SOE or OSS was neither unique, occasional, nor limited in time and space. In the examples listed in the Appendix, it is clear that the wearing of civilian attire or non-standard uniform (and, in some cases, enemy uniform) was a deliberate act based upon a decision made at the highest levels of government. State practice provides several points for fine-tuning a general principle:

    First, treacherous killing involves more than wearing or fighting in civilian clothing. Colonel Lawrence wore indigenous attire while leading the Arab uprising against the Ottoman Empire in the Hejaz Province of Arabia (Syria) in 1916. Fighting in large, armed groups against the Turkish Army, his actions parallel those of Coalition Special Forces aligned with Northern Alliance and Southern Alliance forces in Afghanistan, suggesting a nuance to the law of war principle of distinction: An armed military group recognizable at a distance and readily identifiable to the enemy by its size and other characteristics, even when wearing indigenous attire with or without distinctive devices, is acting lawfully.

    Second, non-standard uniforms or indigenous attire may be adopted for practical rather than perfidious reasons. The British/Commonwealth Long Range Desert Group (“LRDG”), operating behind enemy lines in North Africa from 1940–1943, adopted the kaffiyeh and agal as a standard part of their uniform for utilitarian purposes, for example. The LRDG wore native sheep or goatskin coats to ward off the nighttime desert cold, as did British and US Special Forces operating behind Iraqi lines in the 1991 Coalition effort to liberate Kuwait. Wear of the latter by the LRDG served partially as a ruse against casual observation, such as by enemy aircraft. However, their identity clearly was recognizable at a distance by enemy ground forces.

    Third, law of war compliance with something as simple as wearing a distinctive device may not be practical where the enemy is known to punish rather than reward compliance. For example, immediately prior to D-Day (June 6, 1944), British air-delivered supplies included armbands for partisan and supporting Special Forces’ use once Allied conventional forces returned to the continent. However, distinctive emblem wear was viewed with skepticism in light of Hitler’s Commando Order denying quarter to any partisans or Special Operations Forces.

    Fourth, perfidy requires mens rea, that is, the donning of civilian attire with the clear intent to deceive. A group of alert, fit young men, heavily and openly armed, surrounding an individual in military uniform, and themselves surrounded by host nation military personnel in uniform, clearly are a personal protection detail, and are not attempting to mask their status nor gain an advantage over some unsuspecting enemy soldier. The law of war regards a uniform as the principal way in which conventional military forces distinguish themselves from the civilian population in international armed conflict.

    State practice (including US practice), treaty negotiation history, and the views of recognized law of war experts reveal (a) that the law of war obligation is one of distinction that otherwise has eluded precise statement in all circumstances; (b) there is no agreed definition of uniform; (c) the uniform “requirement” is less stringent with respect to Special Forces working with indigenous forces or executing a mission of strategic importance; and (d) a law of war violation occurs only where an act is perfidious, that is, done with an intent to deceive, and the act is the proximate cause of the killing, wounding or capture of the enemy.

    My review of state practice found no enforcement by a government against its own personnel. [129]

    [129] The inevitable reaction of some would be to suggest new legislation beyond the prohibition of perfidy, or to make any act of perfidy a Grave Breach. History shows that successful means and methods of warfare elude efforts at prohibiting them. See W. Hays Parks, Making Law of War Treaties: Lessons from Submarine Warfare Regulation, in Michael N. Schmitt, ed, International Law across the Spectrum of Conflict: Essays in Honor of Professor L.C. Green on the Occasion of his Eightieth Birthday, 75 International Law Studies 339 (US Naval War College 2000).

    Enemy combatants captured in flagrante delicto were prosecuted as spies rather than for law of war violations, with the exception of Ex parte Quirin and the unsuccessful post-World War II US prosecution of SS-Obersturmbannführer Otto Skorzeny.

    In international armed conflict, the wearing of standard uniforms by conventional military forces, including special operations forces, is the normal and expected standard. Wearing civilian attire or a non-standard uniform is an exception that should be exercised only in extreme cases determined by competent authority.

    In international armed conflict military necessity for wearing non-standard uniforms or civilian clothing has been regarded by governments as extremely restricted. It has been limited to intelligence collection or Special Forces operations in denied areas. No valid military necessity exists for conventional military forces, whether combat (combat arms, such as infantry, armor or artillery), combat support (such as Civil Affairs), or combat service support personnel to wear non-standard uniforms or civilian attire in international armed conflict.

    The codified law of war for international armed conflict does not prohibit the wearing of a non-standard uniform. It does not prohibit the wearing of civilian clothing so long as military personnel distinguish themselves from the civilian population, and provided there is legitimate military necessity for wearing something other than standard uniform. The generally recognized manner of distinction when wearing something other than standard uniform is through a distinctive device, such as a hat, scarf, or armband, recognizable at a distance.

    Violation of the law of war (perfidy) occurs when a soldier wears civilian clothing - not a non-standard uniform - with intent to deceive, and the deception is the proximate cause of the killing, wounding or capture of the enemy. Perfidy does not exist when a soldier in civilian attire or non-standard uniform remains identifiable as a combatant, and there is no intent to deceive.

    Discussion of the issue raises an appearance of a double standard in considering Taliban militia/al Qaeda (in Afghanistan) or Saddam Fedayeen (in Iraq) wear of civilian clothing while justifying SOF wear of Western civilian attire or indigenous attire. A “double standard” exists within the law of war for regular forces of a recognized government vis-à-vis unauthorized combatant acts by private individuals or non-state actors. The issue was complicated by the unique nature of operations in Afghanistan, that is, counter-terrorist operations against non-state actors in a failed state, and the increased role of NGOs in a non-linear combat environment.

    The law of war principle of distinction cannot be taken lightly. The standard military field uniform should be worn absent compelling military necessity for wear of a non-standard uniform or civilian clothing. Military convenience should not be mistaken for military necessity. That military personnel may be at greater risk in wearing a uniform is not in and of itself sufficient basis to justify wearing civilian clothing. “Force protection” is not a legitimate basis for wearing a non-standard uniform or civilian attire. Risk is an inherent part of military missions, and does not constitute military necessity for wear of civilian attire. But the law of war requirement to wear a complete, “standard” uniform is not as absolute as some recently suggested.
    It is hard to beat COL Parks' article and presentation re: international conflicts.

    My only gripe is that he really doesn't "overrule" 1942 Ex Parte Quirin to my satisfaction. I (like him) think it was wrongly decided in finding that wearing civilian clothing was a war crime; but that it also adopted an unconstitutional rule allowing undefined common law crimes - for a number of exotic technical grounds (none having anything to do with the issues here). So far, SCOTUS hasn't expressly overruled Quirin.

    Consideration of present day pseudo-irregular operations requires a review of Common Article 3 law develoipment since 2006 - which (IMO) is even more favorable to pseudo-irregular operations. That would be the next round, but I've already put a lot on your plates with these articles.

  3. #3
    Council Member davidbfpo's Avatar
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    Default Is it time?

    I shall leave LoW to JMM's able mind and remind readers that pseudo operations in the British and others experience can have unpleasant side-effects, some appear quickly and others take time.

    Many years ago I read Frank Kitson's books and am mindful he served in the early years of 'the Troubles' in Northern Ireland, where he is credited by some (mainly critics) with introducing such operations. See the Google links to MRF (Military Recconaisance Force) and the intelligence gathering 'Four Square Laundry' (not a puseudo op).

    In those desperate years IMHO such operations were part of the UK Army standard response to insurgencies and met a political need for information and action. Later on such ops appear to have disappeared, for a variety of reasons, notably the long-term infiltration of the opposition i.e. para-militaries (itself fraught with problems).

    The operations may have increased fear amidst opponents, but there is ample evidence that mainly innocents were murdered. Some argue that Republicans were aided in appearing as the community defenders and Loyalist collusion began.

    What was the French experience in Algeria? IIRC psuedo ops featured there too, although cannot cite any sources. History shows that in the current conflict the Algerian state (military-led) probably used the option, with villages massacred to cast blame on the insurgents. I think a defecting officer's account appeared in a French paper.

    On reflection and for once avoiding the Rhodesian experience, there are the lessons of such ops in SW Africa (now Namibia), Angola (cross-border) and in South Africa itself. Pseudo-gangs, notably the well-known Askaris, were a common feature of military and police operations. Somewhere I have a video on the subject from the 1980's. From faraway and with hindsight I doubt they actually strengthened governance i.e. apartheid or assisted in reaching a less violent future. I expect the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) reported on such activity and their impact (somewhere I have books on the subject read years ago).

    I fully accept elsewhere and today fewer innocents maybe victims.

    Yes, they can be an option - not specifically in Afghanistan. How desperate is the state to use them? What is their impact, particularly on the civilian population?

    davidbfpo

  4. #4
    Council Member Mark O'Neill's Avatar
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    Default

    Quote Originally Posted by davidbfpo View Post
    I shall leave LoW to JMM's able mind and remind readers that pseudo operations in the British and others experience can have unpleasant side-effects, some appear quickly and others take time.

    Many years ago I read Frank Kitson's books and am mindful he served in the early years of 'the Troubles' in Northern Ireland, where he is credited by some (mainly critics) with introducing such operations. See the Google links to MRF (Military Recconaisance Force) and the intelligence gathering 'Four Square Laundry' (not a puseudo op).

    In those desperate years IMHO such operations were part of the UK Army standard response to insurgencies and met a political need for information and action. Later on such ops appear to have disappeared, for a variety of reasons, notably the long-term infiltration of the opposition i.e. para-militaries (itself fraught with problems).

    The operations may have increased fear amidst opponents, but there is ample evidence that mainly innocents were murdered. Some argue that Republicans were aided in appearing as the community defenders and Loyalist collusion began.

    What was the French experience in Algeria? IIRC psuedo ops featured there too, although cannot cite any sources. History shows that in the current conflict the Algerian state (military-led) probably used the option, with villages massacred to cast blame on the insurgents. I think a defecting officer's account appeared in a French paper.

    On reflection and for once avoiding the Rhodesian experience, there are the lessons of such ops in SW Africa (now Namibia), Angola (cross-border) and in South Africa itself. Pseudo-gangs, notably the well-known Askaris, were a common feature of military and police operations. Somewhere I have a video on the subject from the 1980's. From faraway and with hindsight I doubt they actually strengthened governance i.e. apartheid or assisted in reaching a less violent future. I expect the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) reported on such activity and their impact (somewhere I have books on the subject read years ago).

    I fully accept elsewhere and today fewer innocents maybe victims.

    Yes, they can be an option - not specifically in Afghanistan. How desperate is the state to use them? What is their impact, particularly on the civilian population?

    davidbfpo
    David,

    Let us be careful not to confuse using captured terrs (like occurred in SW Africa and Angola) and psuedo ops. There is a big difference between 'using' captured folk to track or fight compared to turning them to conducting pseudo ops. Read a bunch of Stiff's works about Koevet and the Buffalo Bn, then compare them to Ron Reid-Daly's book to see the immediate differences.

    On a wider note, my sense is that the reason why psuedo ops worked well in places like Rhodesia was because of the fact that the terrs were not truly locals. This was based on the way that the insurgencts recruited and then re-inserted into country. I reckon in the case of anyone (white boys particularly) trying that stunt in Pashtunistan where everyone in the valley knows everyone else's geneology - Good luck, their balls are probably bigger than their smarts...

    regards,

    Mark
    Last edited by davidbfpo; 05-24-2009 at 12:41 PM.

  5. #5
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    Default USA/USMC COIN Centre Blog Asks Similar Question....

    ....in this post:
    .... We know that the Taliban are not one monolithic group, but several small groups each with their own goals and area of operations. That is a weakness that begs to be exploited. We know that they have village auxiliaries who support hard corps fighters who travel around in groups from 10 – 50. History also shows that from the 1940’s the Afghans were quite adept at infiltrating insurgents into the Pakistan’s FATA in order to instigate trouble. We know that part of COIN theory speaks of denying sanctuary to the insurgents. Afghan forces are more welcome and can operate more freely than Western troops. So, where are those Afghan Inglorious Bastards? Where are the small bands of Government of Afghanistan fighters operating on foot in Taliban safe havens, mixing with the people, getting intelligence, denying the Taliban that safe haven, ambushing Taliban groups, (with coalition backup) giving them no respite, taking away their feeling of invulnerability and exacerbating mistrust between Taliban groups? Where is the Afghan version of the “Les Commandos Tigres Noir,” (The Black Tigers), a group of former Viet-minh who under the leadership of Sergeant-Major Roger Vanenberghe in 1952 Indo China dressed in black uniforms and brought the fight to the insurgents and captured one of their command-posts?

    We also know that the Taliban are very good at setting up roadblocks to collect taxes and control the population. Roadblocks, were used effectively to prevent voting materials getting distributed in the 20 Aug elections and also to prevent Afghans from voting. They are also quite effective at preventing IOs, NGOs and Afghan civil servants from getting out and working with the people. Where are the undercover Afghan Inglorious Bastards, who roll down the road in an old truck either armed to the teeth or armed with radios that talk to a trailing UAV or Attack Helicopter or follow-on truck full of undercover hard men? If a few of these check points were hit, the Taliban or local criminals might be less inclined to use them. This tactic was used quite effectively by Canadian troops in Somalia. Why aren’t we seeing it in Afghanistan? ....

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