tangential article, but likely worth the 10 minutes it'll take to read:
http://www.newsweek.com/2010/10/14/w...ota-hilux.html
I would second Mark's recommendation of Arabs at War. For the wider conflict, it's extremely good. Also possibly useful from a different angle is a paper that was published here by William F. Owen, 'The Toyota Horde: Examining a Low Cost Military Capability' that deals with updating this concept. I've doublechecked the paper, and it has no details on Operation Manta or others in the Aozou Strip or further south, but provide a different angle on the subject.
Cheers
Colin
tangential article, but likely worth the 10 minutes it'll take to read:
http://www.newsweek.com/2010/10/14/w...ota-hilux.html
Brant
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I know, I am digging out an old threat on Chad. But with the events in the region, I thought it would be relevant:
http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/region...risk-area.aspxChad’s North West: The Next High-risk Area?
For more than five years, public attention relative to Chad has been focused on the armed rebellion in the east and the crisis in the Darfur region of neighbouring Sudan, while totally neglecting the country’s North West. However, there are serious risks that the rise of trans-Sahara drug trafficking and terrorism, emergence of radical Muslim movements in neighbouring countries, development of inter-communal violence, decline of local traditional justice systems and lack of state governance will destabilise that ignored region. The authorities in N’Djamena need to move to change the governance system there and defuse the multiple roots of potential conflict before a crisis explodes.
Historically, the North West has played an ambivalent but pivotal role between the Arab-Islamic culture of North Africa and the sub-Saharan African cultures. Presently, its strategic position makes it increasingly the target of infiltration attempts by armed groups and criminal networks that take advantage of the no-man’s-land areas of the Sahara Desert to expand their activities. Islamic terrorist groups from Northern Nigeria (the Boko Haram sect) and al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) operating in the Sahel region are making their diffuse but real influence felt. Up to now, this dangerous neighbourhood has not produced instability, but greater vigilance is definitely needed.
Since the end of the 1990s, the government has not been able to reconcile the communities, despite the improved regional security context following the progressive dismantling of the two main rebel groups operating in the region: the Movement for Democratisation and Development (Mouvement pour la démocratie et le développement, MDD), and the Movement for Democratisation and Justice in Chad (Mouvement pour la démocratie et la justice au Tchad, MDJT). The continuous decline of the local traditional justice systems and environmental degradation contribute to the precarious quality of the region’s stability.
In such a context, inter-communal political manipulation is likely to awaken old resentments and aggravate local grievances. Moreover, N’Djamena neglects the North West, as shown by its reactions to the very predictable food crisis that began in 2009 and the flood that destroyed the city of Faya Largeau in July 2010. Instead of implementing a sustainable development policy, the authorities make empty promises and prolong the old colonial mode of governance, based on tight regional control via traditional leaders and security forces.
Although major trouble is still unlikely in the short-term, there is already a high level of tension between pastoralists and farmers. The North West, which provided many fighters during Chad’s earlier civil wars, thus has the potential to become the country’s new hot spot. To prevent this, the government needs to promptly improve the way it runs the region, focus on the attempts by international criminal and terrorist networks to expand their influence and tackle inter-communal tensions by:
setting up a regional development plan to improve governance in the North West and build social infrastructure and roads. This plan should be based on the demands of the local communities and include financial incentives for civil servants to work there, rational administrative coverage of the territory and appropriate rules for integrating traditional leaders into the new local governance system. N’Djamena must treat development and security as inter-linked issues, given that significant development programs could contribute to calming the situation in the region;
updating and implementing local and national justice systems with respect to the role of traditional leaders and the relationship of natural resource issues to conflicts, especially those between pastoralists and farmers, which require reform of the land tenure system, a disarmament program and dispute resolution mechanisms run by neutral authorities;
creating a regional police unit with adequate legal powers and logistical resources (communication equipment, cars, and helicopters) to monitor and secure the North West border. External partners of Chad like France and the U.S. should offer training and operational mentoring to the unit that will be under the authority of the interior ministry; and
pursuing involvement in pan-Sahel and Sahara initiatives that seek to improve international cooperation and exchange of information on countering terrorism and drug trafficking and promoting joint operations with the neighbouring countries, especially Niger, Nigeria, and Libya.
I have alot of secondary sources and I would love to have a good number of primary sources from Chadian participants, particularly toubou fighters.
Elsewhere student2010 has posted unable to proceed with this subject and has a new RFI for a different theatre.
davidbfpo
A long article in FP 'Our man in Africa', namely Hissne Habr, at one time Chad's President and at the helm in the 'Toyota War' with Libya. It appears to place a lot of information, plus some new details in one place. I don't recall this happening, but a "week is a long time in politics":Link:http://foreignpolicy.com/2014/01/24/...FlashPoints%20[Manual]RSbestofprintTwo AWACS surveillance planes, a contingent of F-15s, and tanker aircraft, along with some 600 U.S. support personnel, were deployed to Sudan to assist Habrs counteroffensive.
Note the focus is on Habre's human rights record and his pending prosecution in Senegal in 2015, after fleeing Chad twentytwo years ago.
davidbfpo
Three threads have been merged today; one with one post on open source satellite mapping, another a RFI on the 'Toyota War' and a more general thread. Hence the thread being re-titled.
Chad appears in many threads, usually as an African war and in recent times Chad has played a military role - often criticised by residents - in the CAR and Mali.
davidbfpo
With a patrol plane as bait, fighter jets targeted radar sites
by TOM COOPER & ARNAUD DELALANDE
In 1983 and 1984, France intervened in the war between Chad and Libya. Paris’ Operation Manta established a “red line” along the 15th parallel — a blocking position meant to stop any advance by Libyan troops and Chadian rebels into southern Chad.
Chad was in the throes of a civil war that escalated when Libyan strongman Muammar Gaddafi backed Chadian rebel leader Goukouni Oueddei. Libyan troops and Chadian rebels occupied northern Chad. France was determined to protect what was left of Chad — its former colony — from Libyan influence.
France moved the red line north to the 16th parallel in January 1984 after Chadian forces shot down a French Jaguar fighter-bomber, killing its pilot. And on Feb. 16, 1986, the French air force launched an air raid targeting a Libyan-built airbase near the Ouadi-Doum oasis in northern Chad. Eleven Jaguars lobbing BAP-100 bombs totally destroyed the runway.
Thus began Operation Sparrowhawk — France’s big push to bring the Chadian civil war to a close. Air power played a central role....
See more here: https://warisboring.com/in-1987-the-...119#.s352hg3zs
We hear a great deal about the potential for Russia or China to occupy a small piece of territory - say Narva or the Spratlys - and then establish an A2/AD zone over the occupied area to prevent recapture. Could France's Operations Manta and Sparrowhawk also be examples of this, given the role that defensive CAS and the deployment of SAMs played, as well as the limitation of the mission to the 15th/16th parallel?
Azor,
From my "armchair" the situations are very different. Chad in 1987 was an obscure nation, largely desert and sparsely populated. Neither Narva, an Estonian city on the Russian border and The Spratlys are low profile, although the resident populations are very different.
The French and Libyans could use their approach without publicity and a local audience. It probably helped that Libya had few friends; although plenty of sellers of weapons.
Last edited by davidbfpo; 01-04-2017 at 03:12 PM. Reason: 27,231v
davidbfpo
I was speaking strictly from a military perspective. Probably the closet analogues would be Argentina's seizure of the Falklands in 1982 and Egypt's seizure of the east bank of the Suez in 1973 (to October 13).
I can assure you that China has studied the Falklands intently, while Russia probably leans more toward Suez.
Hat tip to New Yorker magazine for this 'long read' on Lake Chad and the surrounding context, mainly for one nation: Chad. It deserves a read, if only to illustrate the human aspects and the policy mess around the steadily shrinking lake itself.
Link:https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2...arian-disaster
A "taster" passage:There are several threads on the region, notably those on Chad, Mali, Niger and Nigeria. Chad thread, with 50 posts and 41.6k views:http://council.smallwarsjournal.com/...ead.php?t=4824In recent months, I have asked many American diplomatic and military officials to define a coherent long-term strategy for the region, but none of them have been able to articulate more than a vague wish: that by improving local governments and institutions, encouraging democratic tendencies, and facilitating development, the international community can defeat terrorism. In Chad, the security-based approach mistakes the strengthening of Dbys regime for the stabilization of the Chadian state. The strategy is a paradox: in pursuing stability, it strengthens the autocrat, but, in strengthening the autocrat, it enables him to further abuse his position, exacerbating the conditions that lead people to take up arms.
Last edited by davidbfpo; 12-25-2017 at 11:21 AM. Reason: 611v before merging into main thread
davidbfpo
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